441:
143:
705:'s (PAN) —proposals for labor law reform: these are intended to tighten government control on union formation and grant employers new powers to make decisions without consulting the union, all while preserving the secretive and complex system that allows the government to marginalize independent unions in favor of those acceptable to the party in power or to business interests. Others within the CTM have opposed any changes in the law, calling for it to be enforced instead.
647:
25:
269:
134:
815:
369:
also became dependent on the PRM and the State for financial support: the PRM provided CTM with subsidies, while the CTM in return required workers to join the union recognized at their workplace and, by extension, the PRM. The PRM also provided CTM leaders with positions at all levels of government and guaranteed at least one seat in the
500:—where the workers not only had no role in negotiating, but in some cases did not even know such deals existed. Many of these "unions" degenerated into organizations that "sold" contracts to a CTM affiliate as a guarantee against representation by independent unions, but which did not function as unions in any meaningful sense.
531:
488:
mine in 1950, the employer forced local businesses to refuse to sell food to the strikers. In the meantime the government declared martial law in the area, arrested the rebel union leaders, seized the union's treasury and prohibited further meetings. The government used similar tactics in 1959 after
452:
such as miners, oil and railroad workers. The state exercised its authority to oust uncooperative union leaders, either by removing them directly or manipulating internal union elections. The CTM concurred, leading some observers to joke that the CTM (which in
Spanish is pronounced "se te eme") now
400:
Consistent with the
Mexican tradition against re-election of leaders, Lombardo Toledano stepped down as general secretary of the CTM at the end of his term. Fidel Velázquez, who in the meantime had built up an extensive political support base as a member of the secretariat, replaced him on February
368:
As a part of the party in government and therefore effectively part of the state, the CTM received a number of benefits. The
Federal Labor Board, which determined which unions could represent workers and whether strikes were legal, consistently favored the CTM against its rivals. Over time, the CTM
348:
had been promised the second most powerful position within the CTM secretariat. However, when
Lombardo Toledano granted that position to Fidel Velázquez, the leftist unions walked out of the convention. They returned under pressure with the excuse of preserving unity and grudgingly assented to
404:
In 1946, the CTM joined in forming the newly formed PRI, the successor party of the PRM, becoming once again one of its constituent parts. As the formal division between the PRI and the state was blurred, the boundaries between the CTM and the party and the state likewise became harder to
496:(CT). The CTM had, however, the advantage of State sponsorship, which it used to oppose any independent unions and to hold down the demands of its constituent unions at the behest of PRI leadership. The CTM adopted a practice of entering into "protection contracts"—also known as
389:
291:
in 1928. Once this happened the CROM began to fragment as unions and their leaders defected from the organization. Cárdenas saw an organized labor sector as being essential to the goals of his government and pushed for the formation of a new umbrella labor organization.
619:
rallies in 1995, threatening those who disobeyed with fines or expulsion, in order to avoid the possibility of embarrassing displays of opposition to the CTM and the PRI. Instead of a May Day march in 1996 a group set up a mock funeral for Velázquez in retaliation.
489:
the nationalization of the rail industry, firing thousands of strikers and sentencing union leaders to more than ten years in prison. The CTM approved these and other measures to isolate or eliminate independent unions and rebel movements within its membership.
527:
412:. The CTM not only refused to endorse the new party but also expelled Lombardo Toledano, his supporters on the CTM's board, and other left-wing unionists. The leadership of the CTM also adjusted its foreign policy to conform to that of President
530:(STERM), a union of electrical workers that had demanded union democracy and taken a more militant stance toward employers. When the union did not collapse after pressure from the CTM, the government merged it with another union to form the new
483:
These heavy-handed efforts did not always go unopposed: when the government installed
Carrasco as the head of the SNTMMSRM, a number of locals bolted from the union to form the National Miners Union. When a strike broke out at the Nueva Rosita
311:
556:, who organized the Democratic Current within the PRI in 1987, be expelled from the PRI for his campaign for democratization and challenging the entrenched leadership. Velázquez called Cárdenas a violent radical and suggested that he was a
319:
606:
Even so, Velázquez's power within the PRI slipped in the 1990s as his own health declined. While in the past every
President of Mexico consulted Velázquez before picking his successor, Velázquez was not consulted in the selection of
365:, to accept "unity at all costs". The CTM (along with the CROM and the electrical workers union) formally aligned with the Partido Revolucionario Mexicano (PRM), the predecessor of the PRI, as its "labor sector" in 1938.
681:
party (PAN), had historically favored company unions over CTM affiliates, Fox continued to work with the conservative leadership of the CTM after taking office in 2000. His administration took the side of the
655:
611:
as the PRI's presidential candidate in 1994. Even after
Colosio's assassination Velázquez was only told that Ernesto Zedillo was the new presidential candidate a few minutes before the formal announcement.
508:
Those PRI leaders who stayed within the circle of power acquired the derogative nickname of "dinosaurs". Fidel Velázquez was the longest-lived of them all and one of the most conservative as well.
376:
During his tenure
President Cárdenas took steps to ensure that CTM did not acquire enough power as to be able to become independent of the party. He prohibited the CTM from representing federal
492:
The CTM did not hold a monopoly on labor organizing or even the exclusive relationship with the PRI: the CROM and other organizations also had a formal relationship with the PRI through the
252:(the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI), which ruled Mexico for more than seventy years. However, the CTM began to lose influence within the PRI structure in the late 1980s, as
337:. Cárdenas also called on the CGT and the CSTDF unions to form a single unified body. The CGOCM then transformed itself into the Confederación de Trabajadores de México in response.
465:
344:
in México and Latin
America, after his visit there in 1935, he was never a member of the Mexican Communist Party or PCM. At the founding convention of the CTM, the PCM and its
408:
Lombardo
Toledano had remained active in the CTM after Fidel Velázquez replaced him. That changed, however, after Lombardo Toledano broke with the PRI in 1947 to form the
669:
The CTM's unions also faced challenges from within: dissenting members of the SUTERM challenged Alcaine's leadership, as also did members of the Petroleum Workers Union.
461:
654:
Although the CTM remained the largest and best established union within Mexico, it was not the only one. In the 1990s it faced growing challenges to its power from the
473:
340:
The CTM almost disintegrated at the moment of its formation, however. While Lombardo Toledano was a convinced Stalinist and the most important representative of the
534:(SUTERM). Velázquez intervened in SUTERM's internal affairs to drive out the former leaders of STERM, after which employers blacklisted them and their supporters.
519:
and demanded democratic reforms in Mexico, calling them radicals inspired by foreign doctrines. The government went further, killing three hundred students in the
417:
199:
683:
493:
210:
841:
687:
537:
Even then, those workers persisted by organizing rallies of more than 100,000 electrical workers and their supporters and calling a strike against the
42:
425:
541:(CFE) on July 16, 1976. The strike was ended by army units and hired thugs who occupied the CFE plants; the army interned hundreds of strikers in
836:
464:, the new leader of the railroad workers union in 1948, who was fond of the finery associated with Mexican cowboys. The government coerced the
89:
256:
increasingly held power within the party. Eventually, the union found itself forced to deal with a new party in power after the PRI lost the
61:
686:(CROC), a union with a corrupt history at odds with its flamboyant name, against an independent union attempting to organize workers at
287:, or CROM, in order to garner support from the working class. However, this support was withdrawn after the assassination of President
68:
315:
284:
329:(PCM) rallied to support President Cárdenas when he called on unions for support in resisting a threat of coup by former president
75:
429:
561:
542:
57:
623:
The real funeral, attended by the entire Mexican political elite, came a year later in 1997. President Zedillo said in his
600:
538:
599:. During those years the minimum wage in real terms fell by nearly 70 percent. Velázquez also supported passage of the
743:
729:
719:
249:
108:
440:
421:
142:
627:
that "Don Fidel knew how to reconcile the special interests of workers with the greater interest of the nation."
325:
The CGOCM became the most important union body in México, leading a number of strikes in 1934. The CGOCM and the
303:. Lombardo Toledano formed his own federation of disaffected CROM members, which he called the "Purified CROM".
280:
46:
82:
695:
588:
257:
635:
307:
662:(FAT), a union within the UNT, won representation rights within the restrictive procedures provided under
357:
The PCM and its unions almost walked out of the CTM a second time in 1937. They returned at the urging of
724:
La Botz, Dan, Mask of Democracy, Labor Suppression in Mexico Today, Boston : South End Press, 1992.
596:
245:
572:
448:
The CTM then proceeded, with the implicit help of the State, to eliminate independent union leaders in
409:
253:
584:
457:
413:
380:, creating a separate union for them, and also barred the CTM from admitting farmers into its ranks.
296:
591:
as they privatized state-owned enterprises (formerly a bastion of power for the CTM) as part of the
553:
161:
330:
820:
326:
35:
515:
prevalent in the country: in 1968 he verbally attacked the student demonstrators who supported
736:
Deference and Defiance in Monterrey: Workers, Paternalism, and Revolution in Mexico, 1890-1950
659:
592:
608:
575:
current within the PRI, which sought to dismantle the nationalist economic policies of the
8:
580:
579:
in order to open México to foreign investment. Velázquez supported technocrat Presidents
520:
362:
288:
277:
603:
in 1993 after initially denouncing it as a disaster for workers of all three countries.
576:
702:
698:, repeatedly praised the CTM, while Alcaine pledged support for Fox's PAN government.
739:
725:
715:
663:
449:
345:
497:
631:
377:
370:
830:
523:
that same year. Velázquez openly supported the suppression of this movement.
260:, an event that drastically reduced the CTM's influence in Mexican politics.
658:(UNT), a federation of independent unions established in November 1997; the
358:
341:
300:
545:, while thugs beat workers and forced them to sign letters supporting the
532:
Sindicato ''Único'' de Trabajadores Electricistas de la República Mexicana
420:(a regional organization founded by Lombardo Toledano) and the pro-Soviet
678:
634:, died three weeks after Velázquez, aged 92. He was succeeded in turn by
511:
Velázquez and the CTM opposed every major movement that ran against the
691:
646:
512:
476:
as its new leader in 1949. Likewise, Jesús Carrasco was imposed on the
248:
in Mexico. For many years, it was one of the essential pillars of the
557:
334:
714:
La Botz, Dan, The Crisis in Mexican Labor, New York: Praeger, 1988.
24:
477:
268:
616:
565:
393:
299:, a Marxist intellectual who later developed close ties with the
133:
528:
Sindicato de Trabajadores Electricistas de la República Mexicana
388:
318:(CGT). Once these alliances were consolidated they founded the
624:
814:
469:
466:
Sindicato de Trabajadores Petroleros de la República Mexicana
276:
The CTM was founded on February 21, 1936, during the term of
516:
485:
312:
Confederación Sindical de Trabajadores del Distrito Federal
763:
701:
Some CTM leaders have also supported Abascal's—and later,
221:
320:
Confederación General de Obreros y Campesinos de México
641:
560:. Velázquez was also one of the first to condemn the
810:
684:
Confederación Revolucionaria de Obreros y Campesinos
295:
One of the most important leaders who left CROM was
283:. Cárdenas's predecessors had relied heavily on the
503:
49:. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
778:. Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1961, p.221.
828:
468:, the union that represented the oil workers at
426:International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
571:Velázquez was also a faithful supporter of the
418:Confederación de Trabajadores de América Latina
456:New leaders thus imposed were referred to as "
564:(EZLN) when it started an armed rebellion in
672:
424:. The CTM subsequently affiliated with the
333:, and in opposing an employers' strike in
141:
132:
842:Trade Union Confederation of the Americas
562:Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional
435:
352:
109:Learn how and when to remove this message
645:
439:
387:
267:
552:Velázquez was the first to demand that
430:International Trade Union Confederation
383:
238:Confederación de Trabajadores de México
127:Confederación de Trabajadores de México
837:National trade union centers of Mexico
829:
285:Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana
615:Velázquez called off the traditional
316:Confederación General de Trabajadores
314:(CSTDF), and with the leaders of the
250:Partido Revolucionario Institucional
47:adding citations to reliable sources
18:
738:(Cambridge University Press, 2003)(
601:North American Free Trade Agreement
263:
13:
708:
642:Challenges from outside and within
453:meant "se teme" ("to be feared").
202:Secretary General (2015 – present)
58:"Confederation of Mexican Workers"
14:
853:
306:He later formed an alliance with
813:
543:San Luis Potosí, San Luis Potosí
422:World Federation of Trade Unions
234:Confederation of Mexican Workers
122:Confederation of Mexican Workers
23:
630:Velázquez's interim successor,
34:needs additional citations for
794:
781:
768:
757:
478:Miners and Metal Workers Union
1:
750:
589:Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon
539:Federal Electrical Commission
526:In 1972 the CTM expelled the
246:confederation of labor unions
789:The United States and Mexico
776:The United States and Mexico
694:. Fox's Secretary of Labor,
272:CTM's 14th National Congress
7:
597:International Monetary Fund
416:and withdrew from both the
10:
858:
650:Leonardo Rodríguez Alcaine
636:Leonardo Rodríguez Alcaine
549:leadership of the SUTERM.
322:(CGOCM) on June 28, 1933.
673:The CTM after the PRI era
656:National Union of Workers
585:Carlos Salinas de Gortari
428:, which later became the
297:Vicente Lombardo Toledano
216:
206:
193:
183:
167:
157:
149:
140:
131:
126:
480:(the SNTMMSRM) in 1950.
821:Organized labour portal
764:https://ctmoficial.org/
460:", or "cowboys", after
327:Mexican Communist Party
308:Fidel Velázquez Sánchez
281:Lázaro Cárdenas del Río
16:Labor union association
651:
504:The "age of dinosaurs"
445:
436:Remaking Mexican labor
397:
353:Integration in the PRM
349:Velázquez's election.
273:
200:Carlos Aceves del Olmo
660:Authentic Labor Front
649:
595:plans imposed by the
593:structural adjustment
474:Gustavo Roldán Vargas
443:
391:
331:Plutarco Elías Calles
271:
258:2000 general election
609:Luis Donaldo Colosio
384:Change in leadership
310:, the leader of the
43:improve this article
734:Michael Snodgrass,
581:Miguel de la Madrid
554:Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas
521:Tlatelolco massacre
494:Congreso de Trabajo
363:Communist Party USA
361:, then head of the
123:
652:
577:Mexican Revolution
462:Jesús Díaz de León
446:
398:
373:for a CTM leader.
274:
244:)) is the largest
121:
787:Howard F. Cline,
774:Howard F. Cline,
450:industrial unions
346:industrial unions
230:
229:
153:February 21, 1936
119:
118:
111:
93:
849:
823:
818:
817:
805:
798:
792:
785:
779:
772:
766:
761:
688:Duro Bag Company
498:sweetheart deals
444:CTM headquarters
264:Founding the CTM
226:
223:
176:
145:
136:
124:
120:
114:
107:
103:
100:
94:
92:
51:
27:
19:
857:
856:
852:
851:
850:
848:
847:
846:
827:
826:
819:
812:
809:
808:
802:U.S. and Mexico
799:
795:
786:
782:
773:
769:
762:
758:
753:
711:
709:Further reading
703:Felipe Calderón
679:President Fox's
675:
644:
506:
438:
410:Partido Popular
386:
355:
266:
220:
196:
186:
179:
174:
115:
104:
98:
95:
52:
50:
40:
28:
17:
12:
11:
5:
855:
845:
844:
839:
825:
824:
807:
806:
793:
780:
767:
755:
754:
752:
749:
748:
747:
732:
722:
710:
707:
696:Carlos Abascal
674:
671:
643:
640:
632:Blas Chumacero
505:
502:
437:
434:
385:
382:
378:civil servants
371:Mexican Senate
354:
351:
289:Álvaro Obregón
265:
262:
228:
227:
218:
214:
213:
208:
204:
203:
197:
194:
191:
190:
187:
184:
181:
180:
178:
177:
171:
169:
165:
164:
159:
155:
154:
151:
147:
146:
138:
137:
129:
128:
117:
116:
31:
29:
22:
15:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
854:
843:
840:
838:
835:
834:
832:
822:
816:
811:
803:
797:
790:
784:
777:
771:
765:
760:
756:
745:
744:0-521-81189-9
741:
737:
733:
731:
730:0-89608-437-X
727:
723:
721:
720:0-275-92600-1
717:
713:
712:
706:
704:
699:
697:
693:
689:
685:
680:
670:
667:
665:
661:
657:
648:
639:
637:
633:
628:
626:
621:
618:
613:
610:
604:
602:
598:
594:
590:
586:
582:
578:
574:
569:
567:
563:
559:
555:
550:
548:
544:
540:
535:
533:
529:
524:
522:
518:
514:
509:
501:
499:
495:
490:
487:
481:
479:
475:
471:
467:
463:
459:
454:
451:
442:
433:
431:
427:
423:
419:
415:
414:Miguel Alemán
411:
406:
405:distinguish.
402:
396:poster of CTM
395:
390:
381:
379:
374:
372:
366:
364:
360:
350:
347:
343:
338:
336:
332:
328:
323:
321:
317:
313:
309:
304:
302:
298:
293:
290:
286:
282:
279:
270:
261:
259:
255:
251:
247:
243:
239:
235:
225:
219:
215:
212:
209:
205:
201:
198:
192:
188:
182:
173:
172:
170:
166:
163:
160:
156:
152:
148:
144:
139:
135:
130:
125:
113:
110:
102:
91:
88:
84:
81:
77:
74:
70:
67:
63:
60: –
59:
55:
54:Find sources:
48:
44:
38:
37:
32:This article
30:
26:
21:
20:
801:
796:
788:
783:
775:
770:
759:
735:
700:
676:
668:
653:
629:
622:
614:
605:
570:
551:
546:
536:
525:
510:
507:
491:
482:
472:, to accept
455:
447:
407:
403:
399:
375:
367:
359:Earl Browder
356:
342:Soviet Union
339:
324:
305:
301:Soviet Union
294:
275:
241:
237:
233:
231:
207:Affiliations
158:Headquarters
105:
99:October 2020
96:
86:
79:
72:
65:
53:
41:Please help
36:verification
33:
664:Mexican law
638:, aged 76.
254:technocrats
162:México D.F.
831:Categories
751:References
692:Tamaulipas
573:technocrat
513:status quo
401:28, 1941.
222:ctmoficial
195:Key people
69:newspapers
804:, p. 222.
791:. p. 197.
568:in 1994.
558:communist
335:Monterrey
278:President
189:4,500,000
185:Members
168:Location
800:Cline,
617:May Day
566:Chiapas
458:charros
394:May Day
217:Website
150:Founded
83:scholar
742:
728:
718:
677:While
625:eulogy
587:, and
547:charro
175:Mexico
85:
78:
71:
64:
56:
470:PEMEX
392:1947
90:JSTOR
76:books
740:ISBN
726:ISBN
716:ISBN
517:Cuba
486:coal
232:The
224:.org
211:ORIT
62:news
690:in
242:CTM
45:by
833::
666:.
583:,
432:.
746:)
240:(
236:(
112:)
106:(
101:)
97:(
87:·
80:·
73:·
66:·
39:.
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License. Additional terms may apply.
