592:
enforce the liturgist's political position and take his place - or to that to which he aspires - in the city: besides devoting his fortune to the public good, paying "his property and his person" the liturgist distinguishes himself from the vulgem pecus and gets the people of the city to confirm the legitimacy of his dominant social position, which would be especially significant when the liturgist was subsequently involved in a trial or election to the magistracy. Thus, liturgists, consisting of at most 10% of
Athenian citizens in the 4th century BC., represent one third of politicians sufficiently significant to contemporary sources to mention them, they also correspond to one-third of the Athenians prominent enough in the Assembly to propose a decree. For its part, playing on the values of its elites, the democratic city controls them, gets their membership in a community project and ensures its own finance.
575:("C'était une entreprise dont tout citoyen aimait à s'enorgueillir et, s'il était politiquement engagé, dont il se prévalait devant son auditoire, surtout s'il était l'accusé d'un process politique.") The honorific inscriptions available show that, regularly, some wealthy citizens or resident aliens "had eagerly discharged them all", by volunteering (ἐθελοντής), as Demosthenes had in 349 BC., for sometimes very expensive liturgies which they could escape. The liturgists can also be distinguished by hiring well above the minimum. Thus, in a speech of Lysias, the litigant lists the liturgies to which he submitted and states: "If I wanted to do the minimum the law required, I would not have even made a quarter of these expenditures".
701:
right to your gratitude, simply for having fed the horses, or paid for lavish choregies, or other largesse of this kind; on such occasions, one obtains the crown of victory for himself alone, without the least benefit to others. But to perform the duties of a trierarchy with flair, or build walls to protect the city, or spend one's fortune for the city's well-being: those are actions for the public good, and in the interest of all. These are the gifts that reveal the dedication of a citizen; the others only prove the wealth of those who made them. However, I do not think anyone ever has performed services to the State great enough, to demand in return that traitors be permitted to avoid punishment.
31:
406:, and maintained to its own advantage by the democratic city: the liturgists, far from being manipulated by an administrative structure that forces them to pay, are the active forces in a system which they operate to their own advantage." Specifically, the system was based primarily on the voluntary nature of the role, and the stratification of Athenian society: most of those Athenians to be included on the list of trierarchs had been so before, or were descendants of former trierarchs, with the result that the families providing the trierarchs tended to be the same ones from generation to generation. For the civilian liturgies, including the
647:
Xenophon and
Isocrates emphasize that "the liturgy is a weapon in the hands of the poor". However, the less fortunate liturgists, those whose social status was closest to the average citizen, were quick to denounce the lack of civic-mindedness of the rich, who tended to be more supportive of the reactionary Oligarchy than of democracy. Theophrastus has one of his "Characters" intone: "When will they stop trying to ruin us with liturgies and the trierarchy?" Faced with the increasingly heavy financial requirements of the city, the wealthy were obliged to "choose between conserving their own wealth and conformity to elite values".
670:
the function assigned to them, such as
Polycles who neglected to take charge of a ship, forcing his predecessor, Apollodorus, to continue as trierarch for several months. Others chose to spend only the bare minimum: Isocrates explained how he performed his duty without waste or negligence and a client of Lysias told the jury that there was nothing wrong in showing restraint in spending. Some individuals brought lawsuits for the exchange of wealth (antidosis), despite the opportunity such actions offered their opponents to discredit them in a possible future trial. The most radical solution was to conceal one's wealth entirely.
394:
high as 1500–2000 if we take care not to confuse the number of people required to administer the system and the contingent of those who actually took up the liturgy. The number of individuals actively involved is necessarily greater than the total number of liturgies because of the temporary exemptions available and the size of the competitive liturgy system. Therefore, because of changes in wealth (whether related to economic happenstance or the division of inherited wealth) individuals of this "liturgical class" cannot be considered a closed group: it was constantly being renewed, although marginally, by the addition of the "
541:
explicitly mentioned by the litigant: "For I made this offer before to
Phaenippus, and now again, men of the jury, I tender it freely:—I will surrender to him all my property including the mines, if he will hand over to me the farm alone free from all encumbrances as it was when I first went to it with witnesses, and will replace as they were before the grain and wine and the other things which he has carried away from the buildings after removing the seals from the doors." However, it is possible that placing seals on the property was done solely to assess the respective fortunes of the owners.
494:
Therefore, they were often forced to borrow, to pay for liturgies. In a speech of Lysias, a litigant says, "my father in the whole course of his life, has spent more on the city than for himself and his family - twice what we have now". By comparison, the liturgy that was the least expensive, the choregia of the
Panathenaia, represents almost a year's salary of a skilled worker in the 5th century B.C. The most expensive cost more than three times the income of the hoplite class, that is to say the wealth threshold at which one was required to serve as an Athenian soldier.
508:
410:, it does not appear that there was a similar list. However, the wealthy were eager to volunteer their support, due to peer group pressure and a desire for fame equivalent to their fortunes. Wealthy citizens or resident aliens who were tempted to hide their wealth to escape their duties were deterred by the threat of the "antidosis" (a type of litigation in which a citizen nominated as liturgist tried to compel another to act in his stead), and the harm to reputation that their reluctance to contribute to the public good would cause them within their city.
121:
625:
not primarily intended to serve the city, but one's own good, even though expressed "discreetly, insensibly, without the rich admitting it openly". Thus, in 415 BC., the wealthy supporters of Nicias, opposed like him to the expedition to Sicily, preferred not to intervene, rather than risk the impression of worrying more about their own interests than those of the city. By 411 BC., the wealthy were less hesitant to defend their private interests, when they set up the oligarchy of the
320:
650:"Moreover, the symbolic nature of the liturgical function, without disappearing, faded away, in favor of its practical aspect". In fact, most of the complaints related to those liturgies perceived as lacking social value (proeisphora, syntriérarchie), or which involved direct financial contributions (such as the eisphora). Even though the financial burden they represented was less than the classical liturgies, they failed to allow the liturgist to assert his excellence.
548:. When Socrates asked why he is known as a "good man" (καλὸς κἀγαθὸς / kagathos kalos), he replied: "In the event of an exchange (antidosis) of the responsibility of the trierarchy or the choragos, it is not the 'good man' that is called for!" However, while there are many known examples of antidosis proceedings (the speech for an antidosis lawsuit is part of the standard repertory of professional speech writers), there are no known cases of an exchange being effected.
419:
561:
chose to be a bad citizen, he could not, but must make the required contributions and perform the liturgies." According to
Demosthenes, the rich hid their assets and did not reveal them to the public unless war threatened them or their holdings. The accusation of evasion of public charges was very common in judicial speeches: litigants clearly played upon the prejudices of the jury, that all the rich preferred not to pay, if they could get away with it.
659:
202:, offered her cakes and dedicated white dresses adorned with gold, amongst others. There was considerable creativity in relation to the liturgy, "and with the practicality which characterised their attitude on the subject, the cities were capable of creating new liturgies in accordance with their immediate needs, or of suppressing them temporarily or permanently.". All of these liturgies are part of a religious festival and were recurring (
706:
a danger to the ideal, and idealized, social equilibrium associated with the liturgies". Indeed, such ostentation indicated both the power of individual wealth and the powerlessness of the city. As a result, to avoid breaking the bonds between social groups, the desire of the richest to show off their wealth (itself the cause of social tension) was channeled into the transformation of the liturgies into a system of public philanthropy.
557:
choose to bury his wealth or place it with a banker ("trapezite"): thus the references to "invisible wealth" (ἀφανὴς οὐσια). The city demanded from each wealthy individual an estimate of his fortune (τίμημα) as part of the eisphora, but the resulting disclosures were not reliable. Metics in particular were known to undervalue their fortunes, since their wealth was all in liquid assets: they were not supposed to own land in Attica.
643:(395–386). The War Against the Allies (357–355), which was also very expensive, marked the end at mid-century of the dream of a return to the Athenian imperialism, which had been so lucrative. Therefore, the need for the Athenian state to find new sources of funding, could only be achieved through better management of public assets (the policy of Eubulus, then Lycurgus), and by increased financial pressure on the richest.
537:
burden. The defendant had the choice of accepting the liturgy, making an exchange of wealth or submitting to a trial. At trial, a jury decided which of the men was wealthier, and the one selected was responsible for the liturgy. When an antidosis action was filed pertaining to the trierarchy, the
Athenians were concerned that the problem be resolved quickly, so the trial was required to take place within a month.
616:. This was compensation awarded to citizens serving in certain public functions, to counterbalance the ties of patronage created by the magnificence with which Pericles' rival, Cimon, performed his liturgical responsibilities. This payment, to some extent anonymous, allowed the average Athenian citizen to perform public functions without becoming dependent on, or obligated to, the wealthiest.
528:
listed several other liturgies performed during this period (suggesting that multiple liturgies could be undertaken simultaneously), which resulted in an expense of twelve talents, or more than a talent a year. However, it was rare for anyone to waive an exemption, and the anonymity of Lysias' client renders his claims dubious or exceptional to some historians.
374:
forced to accept a liturgy. Conversely, citizens of modest wealth could handle certain inexpensive liturgies. In fact, establishing a threshold requirement would have made liturgical expense mandatory instead of voluntary, and caused the city difficulty in the event of widespread impoverishment of its individual members.
588:
competitive elite was to the advantage of the city: no limit, upper or lower, is fixed, and "the competitive mentality inherited by the ancient aristocracy" ("la mentalité agonistique héritée de l'aristocratie archaïque)" was enough to ensure a certain rivalry between liturgists in dedication to the common good.
752:, Économies et sociétés en Grèce ancienne, Armand Colin, 2007, p. 347. See Socrates's rich Critobulus in Economics (II, 6) Xenophon: "Remissness in respect of any of these charges will be visited upon you by the good citizens of Athens no less strictly than if they caught you stealing their own property."
705:
One may differentiate the attack on certain liturgical expenditures (for example, the monument erected by
Lysicrates as choregos in 335/334) of which the extravagant nature could simultaneously be "a superlative form of attachment to the liturgical ethic which was becoming a thing of the past.... and
700:
However, there are those among them who, giving up the attempt to convince you with arguments, seek your pardon by pleading their liturgies: Nothing makes me angrier, on this account, than the idea that expenses they sought for their own glory, should become a claim to public favor. No-one earns a
669:
The wealthy adopted various strategies to control or avoid the expenses of liturgies. Attempts were made to increase the number of citizens or resident aliens eligible for liturgies. In 354, Demosthenes proposed to increase the number of trierarchs to 2000. Some trierarchs took their time to perform
536:
The antidosis (Greek ἁντιδοσις, "exchange"), for which our main source is
Demosthenes Against Phaenippus, was another loophole. This was a legal action filed by a newly appointed liturgist, against another citizen who he claimed was wealthier than himself and therefore more able to bear the financial
527:
These statutory exemptions allowed a rich
Athenian to escape a liturgy, but they did not compel him to do so; a volunteer could undertake as many liturgies as he wished. Thus, an anonymous litigant defended by Lysias claimed to have been choragos three years running and trierarch for seven years. He
624:
With the Peloponnesian War, increasing military expenditures began to undermine the liturgical system of public finance. The need for trierarchs was greater than ever, but the rich were increasingly trying to avoid the obligation. For the first time, the idea became current that personal wealth is
591:
The liturgy was indeed an opportunity "with his wealth, simultaneously to affirm his devotion to the city, and to claim his place among the most important people" ("avec ses biens, à la fois d'affirmer son dévouement envers la cité et de revendiquer sa place parmi les gens qui comptent"), to better
582:
The assumption of a liturgy is consistently an aristocratic prerogative and can be regarded as the "survival of noble morality" in the democratic city. Specifically, it established a tacit "contract" of mutually beneficial relationships between the city and its most affluent members, "while granting
574:
Despite the financial burden posed by the Liturgies, their owners often performed them willingly. "It was an enterprise of which every citizen could be proud, and, if he was politically engaged, which allowed him to triumph over his audience, especially if he was the defendant in a political trial."
560:
The concealment of assets by the wealthy appears to have been widespread, so that a client of Lysias boasts that his father would never resort to it: "when he might well have put his fortune away out of sight and refused to help you, he preferred that you should know of it, in order that, even if he
381:
necessarily makes its holder a member of the "liturgical class". A citizen with a fortune of three talents could also be called upon to take part. It is possible that less expensive liturgies were taken care of by less wealthy individuals, but still conferred the prestige that such a position gave
1760:
As shown by Lycurgus' ban on wealthy women riding to Eleusis in chariots, so as "not to humiliate the women of the people" (Pseudo-Plutarch, 840A) and, later, in 317 , the sumptuary laws of Demetrius of Phalereus (limiting the number of participants at a banquet, the splendor of female attire, the
638:
The city emerged from the war impoverished and burdened by the debt incurred by the Thirty. Athens now needed the wealthy to carry out their liturgical obligations more than ever, but it had become rare for anyone to volunteer, especially for the trierarchy. A client of Lysias, for example, called
556:
The easiest way to avoid the burden of the liturgy was to conceal one's wealth, which was very easy in Athens: information about property was fragmented, as there was no register of all the land belonging to an individual. Money and treasure were easily concealed from public view; the owner might
473:
composed of 60 taxpayers each. This move expanded the group responsible for the trierarchy from 300 to 1200 individuals, and sought to make the expense of the trierarchy less onerous. Such expansion, however (which still represents only 2.5% of the total male population of free Athenians), was even
468:
claimed that in his seven years as trierarch he spent six talents, and Demosthenes said that "by paying a talent, trierarchs bore the expenses of the trierarchy". The great expense of these liturgies explains the appearance of the syntrierarchy, which placed the financial burden on two individuals,
738:
This was not the Greek state's only source of revenue. In classical Athens the mineral rights to the silver mines at Laureion were reserved to the state while the mining was contracted out as concessions to private entrepreneurs, European Economic History, vol 1, eds. W.I Davidson and J.E. Harper,
673:
The exact chronology of this phenomenon is problematic, however: the passage from adherence to liturgical responsibilities, to their rejection by the individuals obligated to perform them, is difficult to date precisely. Does the transition take place early in the 4th century BC., or in the second
493:
Even for the richest Athenians, the liturgy represented a significant expense. Assuming a yield of 8% from the land they held, the poorest liturgists, who had a net worth of ten talents (as Demosthenes did in 360 /59), were forced to devote the greater part of a year's revenue to the trierarchy.
1158:
To show how the rich bear many burdens because of their wealth, if not in relative terms, at least in absolute terms, we find in Xenophon's Economy (II, 2-6) Socrates defending the paradox that, despite his apparent poverty, he was more comfortable than the wealthy Critobulus overwhelmed with the
523:
Those who were serving, or had previously served, as liturgists also had temporary exemptions. Thus, one could not be required to undertake two liturgies at once, or to take on the same civil liturgy two years in a row The liturgist of a religious holiday would not be held responsible for
463:
The trierarchy was among the more expensive liturgies, as determined by the generosity of an individual trierarch, the duration of the military campaign and the initial condition of the vessel entrusted to him. The trierarchy cost a minimum of 2,000–3,000 drachmas, and ranged as high as 4,000 to
393:
In fact, the net worth of each liturgist, and the percentage of his wealth committed to the liturgy, varied greatly, as the "liturgical class" itself varied greatly. The size of the "liturgical class" can be estimated for classical Athens as a range between 300 and 1200 individuals, or as
112:
The liturgy was the preferred mode of financing of the Greek city, to the extent that it allowed them to easily associate each public expense with a ready source of revenue. This flexibility makes it particularly suited to the unpredictability of the period. This also explains its widespread use,
646:
At each step, the city's urgent need for funding, transformed into an obligation, the previously voluntary demonstration of excellence (arété) by wealthy individuals. The complaints of the wealthy have an undeniable dimension of ideological and political hostility to the common people (demos):
373:
The choice of a liturgist was based on his wealth, as informally estimated by the city and the liturgists themselves. It does not appear that any "liturgical roll" was established, or that a threshold was set corresponding to the wealth declared by the liturgist, within which everyone would be
540:
Given the strangeness of the concept, some historians have doubted the reality of the exchange of goods and suggested that the exchange was really a transfer of the liturgy itself. For contrary evidence, others look to Demosthenes' speech "Against Phaenippus", where an exchange of property is
587:
la cité bénéficiaire en position d'autorité"). The high degree of discretion to liturgists in this case is decisive: the liturgist was assigned a task leaving him the freedom to determine how much to spend in order to achieve it. However the desire of the liturgist to conform to the ideal of a
578:
This same litigant even adds a bit further on: "this is indeed how I treat the city: in my private life I'm thrifty, but in public office I gladly pay, and I am proud not of the property I have left, but of the spending that I made for you. " While making allowance for exaggeration intended to
515:
Exemption from serving as a liturgist (σκήψεις / skếpseis) was possible, for orphans; females without legal guardian (epiklerai); minors those below the age requirement (40 years of age for members of the chorus, for example); archons in office (at least for the trierarchy); and citizen
678:
The diverse documentation on this issue gives us some contradictory insights, which are not possible to reconcile. There are therefore numerous conflicting interpretations, and this remains one of the most technical and highly disputed issues in fourth century Athenian history
579:
placate the jury, there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of this proclamation. This is a view shared by most of liturgists, a view reflecting the social position and prestige in proportion conferred by the financial effort made, as illustrated by the Lysias quote above.
1842:
Peter Fröhlich, "Dépenses publiques et évergétisme des citoyens dans l'exercice des charges publiques à Priène à la basse époque hellénistique”, in Pierre Fröhlich et Christel Müller, Citoyenneté et participation à la Basse époque hellénistique, Droz, 2005
639:
service as trierarch "a dubious action". This exemplified the development of a certain defiance of liturgical responsibilities in the first half of the 4th century BC., a trend reinforced by the military and financial efforts agreed to at the time of the
583:
the rich an eminent place" ("tout en reconnaissant aux riches une place éminente,") bypassing "methods of individual patronage and placing the city, recipient of the benefit, in a position of authority" ("les formes de patronage individuel et place
390:) which drive the liturgic ideal, give rise to individual strategies that allow each citizen, in accordance with his financial means and social priorities, to undertake, in a more or less extravagant manner, more or less burdensome liturgies".
88:), more or less voluntarily, financed the State with their personal wealth. It took its legitimacy from the idea that "personal wealth is possessed only through delegation from the city". The liturgical system dates back to the early days of
1025:
The expenses of liturgists were often transmitted from father to son, as is pointed out in several speeches of Isaeus: On the succession of Nikostratus, 27; On the succession of Dikaiogénès, 41, On the succession of Apollodorus,
691:
The liturgists' increasing desire for a rapid return on investment (which led to favorable treatment by the juries in trials in which they were involved), caused ordinary citizens to re-evaluate the utility of each liturgy.
401:
The practical method of appointing liturgists arose from a social consensus arrived at by the wealthy amongst themselves, which was itself based on "a competitive and luxurious ideology of aristocratic origin, developed in the
520:) or invalids. In addition, citizens or resident aliens might be granted an honorary exemption, for services rendered to the city (ἀτέλεια / atéleia), but "not for trierarchy, nor contributions to the war " (proeisphora).
117:. However, no strict uniformity is found in the specific practices of these liturgies, either geographically (from one city to another) or over time (as changing times and circumstances confront the Greek cities).
1354:
Dittenberger's initial suggestion, also endorsed by Louis Gernet, notes to Against Phaenippus (speech XLII) in Volume II (XXXIX-XLVIII) of the Plaidoyers civils de Démosthène Collection Universités de France, pp.
949:
Patrice Brown, Eisphora, syntaxis, stratiotika : recherches sur les finances militaires d'Athènes au ive siècle av. J.-C., Belles Lettres/Annales littéraires de l'université de Besançon, Besançon, 1983, p.
334:), the person in charge of a liturgy, was appointed by the magistrates. They started by asking for volunteers, and then designated those who seemed most able to take charge. In Athens, at the time of
377:
However, thresholds of informal wealth beyond which an individual could not shirk his duty were regularly raised in court pleadings: it is clear that in Athens in the 4th century BC a patrimony of 10
608:
The discharge of liturgical responsibilities was originally considered mutually beneficial to the city and the aristocracy, but suffered its first challenge in the 5th century BC. when
524:
another liturgy in the following liturgical year. A trierarch was entitled to a respite of two years. Citizens serving in the Athenian cavalry were possibly exempt from the trierarchy.
1742:"Not completely a thing of the past, because numerous examples indicate that liturgists continued at this time to perform their liturgies without concern." Ouhlen, p. 337.
136:
One can classify liturgies into two main categories. Those associated with the liturgical or agonistic calendar (related to sporting and religious events) are mainly the
1785:
Christ, Matthew R., "Liturgy Avoidance and antidosis in Classical Athens", in Transactions of the American Philological Association, Vol. 120, 1990, pp. 147–169
992:
It seems that these "Three Hundred" liturgist's fortunes were generally much higher than the other 900 and therefore assumed the heaviest loads. Ouhlen, pp. 328–329
225:, the command of the ship, unless he choose to pay a concession and left the fighting to a specialist in which case the office was purely financial. Later the
237:, the contribution levied from various wealthy social classes to compensate for the costs of the war. It has also been proposed to add to this number the
1816:
Ouhlen, Jacques, "La société athénienne”, in Pierre Brulé et Raymond Descat, Le monde grec aux temps classiques, tome 2 : le IVe siècle, PUF, 2004. (
211:
By comparison, the military liturgies were used only when needed. The main one was the trierarchy, that is to say the equipment and maintenance of a
683:
One thing is not disputed, however: the later one looks in the fourth century, the more fragile the social consensus regarding the liturgy becomes.
306:. A careful calculation therefore reaches at least 97 civilian liturgists per year in Athens, and at least 118 in years of the Greater Panathenaia.
1514:
Louis Gernet, «Les nobles dans la Grèce antique » dans Droit et institutions en Grèce antique, Flammarion, collection "Champs", Paris, p. 224.
258:
estimated the number of Athenian calendar liturgies to be sixty per year. This figure is almost certainly seriously understated. The
1802:
Davies, J.K., Wealth and the Power of Wealth in Classical Athens, Ayer Reprints, 1981 (reprint of the author's thesis, 1965) (
1793:
1779:
370:
made as much financial contribution as citizens, even if it appears that their active participation was relatively marginal.
1364:
Alain Bresson, L'économie de la Grèce des cités, tome I : les structures et la production, Armand Colin, 2007, p. 152.
799:
Demosthenes, XX = Against Leptines, 21 and Scholia of Patmos; Demosthenes XXI =Against Midias, 156 and Athenaeus, V, 185c.
635:
remarks that "you can no longer find a rich man to be trierarch: each puts on rags and goes about whining 'I am needy!'"
1911:
1204:
Demosthenes, XXI = Against Midias (154); Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1399a. Minors are subject to eisphora, Christ, 2006, p. 151
739:
p. 136. Latterly Athens also derived an income from her empire in the form of tribute, but in this she was atypical.
1901:
1896:
1821:
1807:
1177:
Lysias, XIX = On the property of Aristophanes, XIX, 9. Extract from the translation of Louis Gernet and Marcel Bizos.
726:
931:
Demosthenes XX = Against Leptines 20; D. Whitehead, The Ideology of the Athenian metic, Cambridge, 1977, pp. 80–82.
511:
The service in the cavalry, perhaps a reason for exemption (cup by Euphronios, Staatliche Antikensammlungen Munich)
1799:
Davies, J.K., "Demosthenes on Liturgies: A Note", in The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol.87, 1967, pp. 33–40
662:
486:) to which they belonged. It was then their responsibility to seek reimbursement from the other members of the
1851:
721:
Peter Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, Klincksieck, Paris, 1999 (updated edition) (
544:
The antidosis was apparently not uncommon, as evidenced by a joke by Ischomachus, the wealthy protagonist of
1243:
Demosthenes, XX = Against Leptines (26). The law of Leptines specifically sought to remove this exemption.
1140:
Mogens Herman Hansen, La démocratie athénienne à l'époque de Démosthène, Les Belles Lettres, 1993, p. 143.
1123:
The Act was repealed by Periander on the eve of Chaeronea on the proposal of Demosthenes, given that the
674:
half of the century? Historians seem to have difficulty giving a definitive answer. Jacques Oulhen said:
30:
1906:
1131:, Le monde grec et l'orient, tome II : le IVe siècle et l'époque hellénistique, PUF, 1975, p. 143.
430:
The cost of a liturgy varied greatly according to its nature and prestige. The least expensive was the
1788:
Christ, Matthew R., The Bad Citizen in Classical Athens, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006 (
1496:
Lysias, XXI = Defending anonymous (5). Extract from the translation of Louis Gernet and Marcel Bizos.
151:
17:
1813:
Gauthier, Philippe, Les cités grecques et leurs bienfaiteurs, Athènes-Paris, 1985 (BCH, Suppl. XII).
1774:
Baslez, Marie-Francoise (ed.), Économies et sociétés - Grèce ancienne 478-88, Atlande, Paris, 2007 (
96:, which gradually fell into disuse by the end of the 4th century BC, eclipsed by the development of
403:
626:
1114:
Demosthenes XXI = Against Midias (154); Demosthenes XLVII = Against Evergos and Mnesiboulos (22)
290:
10. Some liturgists were also required for other religious holidays, which must be added to the
1457:
Lysias XX = For Polystratos, 23. Extract from the translation of Louis Gernet and Marcel Bizos.
545:
445:
398:" and the decline of certain families who had previously been wealthy enough to participate.
1846:
JK Davies, Athenian propertied Families, 600-300 BC, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1971 (
1577:
Aristotle, Athenian Constitution (XXVII, 3-4); Plutarch, Parallel Lives (Pericles, IX, 2-3).
1827:
Queyrel, Anne, "Les citoyens entre fortune et statut civique dans l'Athènes classique”, in
482:, made the wealthiest Athenians responsible for advancing the sum owed by the tax group (
378:
507:
8:
1831:, Économies et sociétés dans la Grèce égéenne, 478-88 av. J.-C., éditions du Temps, 2007.
749:
43:
1875:
1688:
Ouhlen, p. 336. See in this regard Demosthenes 47 = Against Evergos and Mnesiboulos, 54
693:
457:
456:
in the Dionysia could cost up to 3000 drachmas, or, "counting the consecration of the
274:
required at least 19 liturgists per year as against 30 (or perhaps 40) for the Greater
101:
89:
1847:
1817:
1803:
1789:
1775:
722:
275:
175:
847:
L. J. Worley, Hippeis: The Cavalry of Ancient Greece, Westview, 1994 pp. 63–74.
1867:
339:
199:
125:
1858:
Christ, Matthew R. (1990). "Liturgy Avoidance and Antidosis in Classical Athens".
164:) was to fund the public dinner of the tribe to which the liturgist belonged; the
1828:
1586:
Christophe Pébarthe, Monnaie et marché à l'époque classique, Belin, 2008, p. 209.
1288:
PJ Rhodes, "Problems in Athenian eisphora and liturgies", AJAH 7 (1982), pp. 4–5.
441:
347:
1128:
120:
640:
77:
59:
1890:
1487:
Lysias, XVIII = On the confiscation of property of the brother of Nicias, 7.
1448:
David Whitehead, The Ideology of the Athenian metic, Cambridge, 1977, p. 78.
326:, liturgist several times and one of the main sources on the liturgy, Louvre
319:
247:), namely the maintenance of the horses of the cavalry instituted after the
613:
248:
154:
for dramatic competitions. There were also many other minor liturgies. The
67:
1382:
Claude Mossé, La Fin de la démocratie athénienne, PUF, 1962, p. 153 n. 6.
346:
for all holidays, except the Lenaia comedy competition, which was in the
323:
271:
255:
1127:
system favored the richest and weighed heavily on smaller contributors.
418:
97:
93:
1879:
658:
631:
449:
335:
287:
221:
216:
141:
140:(γυμνασιαρχία), that is to say, the management and financing of the
1871:
609:
517:
395:
259:
146:
619:
595:
422:
The arming of a trireme, the most expensive of the liturgies (the
104:. However, a similar system was in force during the Roman empire.
292:
212:
465:
367:
303:
279:
194:
114:
47:
774:
772:
366:, were appointed by it. With the exception of the trierarchy,
1195:
A sole female survivor of a family and without legal guardian
452:
chorus at the Panathenaea cost only 300 drachmas. However, a
435:
363:
297:
242:
203:
183:
169:
159:
85:
81:
71:
413:
314:
251:, but it is not certain that this liturgy actually existed.
769:
1048:
1046:
1044:
882:
880:
27:
Form of state-established philanthropy in ancient Greece
1594:
1592:
1041:
150:(χορηγία), the maintenance of the choir members at the
1426:
1424:
1323:
1321:
1000:
998:
877:
362:, responsible for organizing the common meal of their
192:, four girls of Athenian high society who brought the
1860:
Transactions of the American Philological Association
762:
760:
758:
1724:
Lysias VII = Prosecution of the Corn-dealers, 31-32.
1589:
1069:
1067:
786:
784:
229:
was to carry the burden for his tax group or class (
1421:
1318:
995:
444:; its nature is unknown - it may be related to the
350:'s competency. The trierarchs were selected by the
755:
653:
564:
1564:
1562:
1522:
1520:
1064:
1034:
1032:
958:
956:
781:
440:), known by a single mention, which cost only 50
84:whereby its richest members (whether citizens or
1888:
620:Growing defiance to liturgical responsibilities
596:Challenges to a system of financing public life
219:was also to assume, under the direction of the
1559:
1556:Lysias, XIX = On property of Aristophanes, 58.
1517:
1439:Lysias, XXII = Against the corn merchants, 13.
1168:Demosthenes, Against Polycles L = (7, 13, 23).
1029:
1012:
1010:
953:
70:, from λαός / Laos, "the people" and the root
1159:duties imposed on him because of his fortune.
1083:
1081:
1079:
904:Aristotle, Constitution of Athens (LVI, 2).
834:
832:
302:) of the Panhellenic Games and the oracle of
970:
968:
1213:Aristotle, Constitution of Athens (LVI, 2).
1007:
913:Aristotle, Athenian Constitution (LVII, 1).
665:, 335/334 BC, commemorating his first prize
469:and Periander's establishment in 357 of 20
426:, c. 410–400 BC., Acropolis Museum, Athens)
1207:
1076:
829:
266:, and in the following era we can add ten
92:, and included the constitutional duty of
1373:Demosthenes XLII = Against Phaenippus 19.
1234:Demosthenes XI = Against Phenippos (16).
965:
922:Demosthenes, Against Boeotus = XXXIX (7).
448:and probably did not last a long time. A
414:Taking on a liturgy: the financial burden
315:Becoming a liturgist: method of selection
174:) to lead delegations to the four sacred
113:including in undemocratic cities such as
1761:ostentation of funerals). Ouhlen, p. 337
1483:
1481:
1345:Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 52, 3.
1297:Lysias, XXI = Defending anonymous (1-5).
1225:Demosthenes, XX = Against Leptines (27).
1105:Demosthenes, XXI = Against Midias (155).
657:
506:
417:
318:
119:
29:
1466:Demosthenes, On symmoriai = XIV, 25-28.
1279:Isaeus, VII = Against Apollodorus (38).
1270:Demosthenes, XX = Against Leptines (8).
1221:
1219:
629:. In 405 BC, one of the characters in
107:
14:
1889:
1857:
1552:
1550:
1252:Demosthenes, L = Against Polycles (9).
474:more necessary with the reform of the
382:them: "the ideologies of expenditure (
1478:
1186:Lysias XXXII = Against Diogiton (24).
1087:Lysias, XXI = Defending anonymous, 2.
838:Demosthenes, XX = Against Leptines 21
817:Andokides, I = On the Mysteries, 132.
686:
569:
309:
278:which was held every four years; the
1616:Lysias XXIX = Against Philocrates 4.
1261:Aristotle, "Constitution of Athens".
1216:
808:Lysias XXI = Defending anonymous, 5.
490:, which was not always forthcoming.
80:a public service established by the
42:Auteas and Philoxenides 312/313 BC.
1547:
1149:Demosthenes L = Against Polycles 9.
24:
1836:
1706:Demosthenes, L = Against Polycles.
1679:Theophrastus, Characters, XXXVI, 6
826:Lysias XXI Defending anonymous, 5.
132:, part of the liturgical calendar.
25:
1923:
1754:
1745:
1736:
1727:
1718:
1715:Isocrates, On the exchange, 5-6.
1709:
1700:
464:6,000. A litigant championed by
1691:
1682:
1673:
1664:
1655:
1646:
1637:
1628:
1619:
1610:
1607:Aristophanes, Frogs (1065–1066)
1601:
1580:
1571:
1538:
1529:
1508:
1499:
1490:
1469:
1460:
1451:
1442:
1433:
1412:
1403:
1400:Xenophon, The Economy (VII, 3).
1394:
1385:
1376:
1367:
1358:
1348:
1339:
1330:
1309:
1300:
1291:
1282:
1273:
1264:
1255:
1246:
1237:
1228:
1198:
1189:
1180:
1171:
1162:
1152:
1143:
1134:
1117:
1108:
1099:
1090:
1055:
1019:
986:
977:
943:
934:
925:
916:
907:
898:
889:
868:
859:
850:
841:
820:
663:Choragic Monument of Lysicrates
654:Minimizing and avoiding expense
565:Success and limits of liturgies
478:in 378–377. A new liturgy, the
811:
802:
793:
778:Baslez (ed.) 2007, pp. 341–342
742:
732:
715:
600:
551:
13:
1:
1767:
1643:Isocrates, On the Peace, 128.
502:
215:and its crew for a year. The
38:of Aixone, commemorating the
531:
497:
330:The liturgist (λειτουργός /
7:
1306:Davies (1971), pp. 592–593.
342:to designate the religious
188:) to cover the cost of the
10:
1928:
1912:Taxation in ancient Athens
446:Amphiareia Games at Oropos
436:
298:
243:
204:
184:
170:
160:
72:
1902:Economy of ancient Greece
1897:Culture of ancient Greece
1697:Baslez (ed.) 2007, p. 348
1052:Baslez (ed.) 2007, p. 346
983:Baslez (ed.) 2007, p. 344
76:/ ergon, "work" ) was in
63:
709:
128:, perhaps depicting the
34:Honorific decree of the
124:Block V of the eastern
64:λειτουργία or λῃτουργία
886:Davies 1967, pp. 34–35
874:Davies 1967, pp. 36–37
856:Davies 1967, pp. 33–34
703:
681:
666:
512:
427:
327:
133:
51:
1544:Queyrel, p. 167.
1535:Queyrel, p. 169.
698:
676:
661:
510:
421:
322:
262:alone required 23–32
123:
33:
1598:Anne Queyrel, p. 177
1526:Ouhlen, p. 335.
1096:Christ 1990, p. 148.
546:Xenophon's Economics
354:responsible for the
270:to this number. The
108:Principles and types
1634:Christ 1990, p. 151
1625:Christ 1990, p. 156
1430:Christ 1990, p. 159
1418:Christ 1990, p. 158
1391:Christ 1990, p. 163
1336:Christ 1990, p. 161
1327:Christ 1990, p. 164
1016:Ouhlen, pp. 328–329
1004:Christ 1990, p. 150
895:Christ 1990, p. 149
766:Christ 1990, p. 148
750:Pierre Vidal-Naquet
386:) and of ambition (
44:Epigraphical Museum
1652:Economics, II, 5-6
1061:Davies 1967, p. 39
865:Davies 1967, p. 37
790:Davies 1967, p. 33
687:Luxury and concern
667:
570:Willing liturgists
513:
460:, 5000 drachmas".
428:
328:
310:Cost and operation
134:
102:Hellenistic period
90:Athenian democracy
52:
1907:Ancient Greek law
1843:pp. 225–256.
1794:978-0-521-73034-1
1780:978-2-35030-051-1
1661:On the Peace, 128
1073:Davies 1981, p. 9
338:, it fell to the
276:Panathenaic Games
233:) advancing the
176:Panhellenic Games
16:(Redirected from
1919:
1883:
1762:
1758:
1752:
1749:
1743:
1740:
1734:
1731:
1725:
1722:
1716:
1713:
1707:
1704:
1698:
1695:
1689:
1686:
1680:
1677:
1671:
1668:
1662:
1659:
1653:
1650:
1644:
1641:
1635:
1632:
1626:
1623:
1617:
1614:
1608:
1605:
1599:
1596:
1587:
1584:
1578:
1575:
1569:
1566:
1557:
1554:
1545:
1542:
1536:
1533:
1527:
1524:
1515:
1512:
1506:
1505:Queyrel, p. 167.
1503:
1497:
1494:
1488:
1485:
1476:
1473:
1467:
1464:
1458:
1455:
1449:
1446:
1440:
1437:
1431:
1428:
1419:
1416:
1410:
1407:
1401:
1398:
1392:
1389:
1383:
1380:
1374:
1371:
1365:
1362:
1356:
1352:
1346:
1343:
1337:
1334:
1328:
1325:
1316:
1313:
1307:
1304:
1298:
1295:
1289:
1286:
1280:
1277:
1271:
1268:
1262:
1259:
1253:
1250:
1244:
1241:
1235:
1232:
1226:
1223:
1214:
1211:
1205:
1202:
1196:
1193:
1187:
1184:
1178:
1175:
1169:
1166:
1160:
1156:
1150:
1147:
1141:
1138:
1132:
1121:
1115:
1112:
1106:
1103:
1097:
1094:
1088:
1085:
1074:
1071:
1062:
1059:
1053:
1050:
1039:
1036:
1027:
1023:
1017:
1014:
1005:
1002:
993:
990:
984:
981:
975:
972:
963:
960:
951:
947:
941:
938:
932:
929:
923:
920:
914:
911:
905:
902:
896:
893:
887:
884:
875:
872:
866:
863:
857:
854:
848:
845:
839:
836:
827:
824:
818:
815:
809:
806:
800:
797:
791:
788:
779:
776:
767:
764:
753:
748:Michael Austin,
746:
740:
736:
730:
719:
612:established the
439:
438:
424:Lenormant relief
340:eponymous archon
301:
300:
246:
245:
207:
206:
200:Athena Parthenos
187:
186:
173:
172:
163:
162:
126:Parthenon Frieze
75:
74:
65:
21:
1927:
1926:
1922:
1921:
1920:
1918:
1917:
1916:
1887:
1886:
1839:
1837:Further reading
1834:
1829:Michel Debidour
1770:
1765:
1759:
1755:
1751:Ouhlen, p. 337.
1750:
1746:
1741:
1737:
1733:Ouhlen, p. 324.
1732:
1728:
1723:
1719:
1714:
1710:
1705:
1701:
1696:
1692:
1687:
1683:
1678:
1674:
1670:Ouhlen, p. 336.
1669:
1665:
1660:
1656:
1651:
1647:
1642:
1638:
1633:
1629:
1624:
1620:
1615:
1611:
1606:
1602:
1597:
1590:
1585:
1581:
1576:
1572:
1568:Ouhlen, p. 335.
1567:
1560:
1555:
1548:
1543:
1539:
1534:
1530:
1525:
1518:
1513:
1509:
1504:
1500:
1495:
1491:
1486:
1479:
1475:Hansen, p. 142.
1474:
1470:
1465:
1461:
1456:
1452:
1447:
1443:
1438:
1434:
1429:
1422:
1417:
1413:
1409:Hansen, p. 142.
1408:
1404:
1399:
1395:
1390:
1386:
1381:
1377:
1372:
1368:
1363:
1359:
1353:
1349:
1344:
1340:
1335:
1331:
1326:
1319:
1315:Ouhlen, P. 324.
1314:
1310:
1305:
1301:
1296:
1292:
1287:
1283:
1278:
1274:
1269:
1265:
1260:
1256:
1251:
1247:
1242:
1238:
1233:
1229:
1224:
1217:
1212:
1208:
1203:
1199:
1194:
1190:
1185:
1181:
1176:
1172:
1167:
1163:
1157:
1153:
1148:
1144:
1139:
1135:
1122:
1118:
1113:
1109:
1104:
1100:
1095:
1091:
1086:
1077:
1072:
1065:
1060:
1056:
1051:
1042:
1037:
1030:
1024:
1020:
1015:
1008:
1003:
996:
991:
987:
982:
978:
973:
966:
961:
954:
948:
944:
939:
935:
930:
926:
921:
917:
912:
908:
903:
899:
894:
890:
885:
878:
873:
869:
864:
860:
855:
851:
846:
842:
837:
830:
825:
821:
816:
812:
807:
803:
798:
794:
789:
782:
777:
770:
765:
756:
747:
743:
737:
733:
720:
716:
712:
689:
656:
622:
606:
598:
572:
567:
554:
534:
505:
500:
416:
348:archon basileus
317:
312:
282:annually had 5
254:In 355–354 BC,
110:
86:resident aliens
28:
23:
22:
15:
12:
11:
5:
1925:
1915:
1914:
1909:
1904:
1899:
1885:
1884:
1872:10.2307/283983
1855:
1844:
1838:
1835:
1833:
1832:
1825:
1814:
1811:
1800:
1797:
1786:
1783:
1771:
1769:
1766:
1764:
1763:
1753:
1744:
1735:
1726:
1717:
1708:
1699:
1690:
1681:
1672:
1663:
1654:
1645:
1636:
1627:
1618:
1609:
1600:
1588:
1579:
1570:
1558:
1546:
1537:
1528:
1516:
1507:
1498:
1489:
1477:
1468:
1459:
1450:
1441:
1432:
1420:
1411:
1402:
1393:
1384:
1375:
1366:
1357:
1347:
1338:
1329:
1317:
1308:
1299:
1290:
1281:
1272:
1263:
1254:
1245:
1236:
1227:
1215:
1206:
1197:
1188:
1179:
1170:
1161:
1151:
1142:
1133:
1116:
1107:
1098:
1089:
1075:
1063:
1054:
1040:
1038:Ouhlen, p. 324
1028:
1018:
1006:
994:
985:
976:
974:Ouhlen, p. 325
964:
962:Ouhlen, p. 326
952:
942:
940:Ouhlen, p. 326
933:
924:
915:
906:
897:
888:
876:
867:
858:
849:
840:
828:
819:
810:
801:
792:
780:
768:
754:
741:
731:
713:
711:
708:
688:
685:
655:
652:
641:Corinthian War
621:
618:
605:
599:
597:
594:
571:
568:
566:
563:
553:
550:
533:
530:
516:soldiers (see
504:
501:
499:
496:
415:
412:
404:archaic period
316:
313:
311:
308:
109:
106:
78:ancient Greece
26:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
1924:
1913:
1910:
1908:
1905:
1903:
1900:
1898:
1895:
1894:
1892:
1881:
1877:
1873:
1869:
1865:
1861:
1856:
1853:
1849:
1845:
1841:
1840:
1830:
1826:
1823:
1822:2-13-051545-2
1819:
1815:
1812:
1809:
1808:0-405-14025-8
1805:
1801:
1798:
1795:
1791:
1787:
1784:
1781:
1777:
1773:
1772:
1757:
1748:
1739:
1730:
1721:
1712:
1703:
1694:
1685:
1676:
1667:
1658:
1649:
1640:
1631:
1622:
1613:
1604:
1595:
1593:
1583:
1574:
1565:
1563:
1553:
1551:
1541:
1532:
1523:
1521:
1511:
1502:
1493:
1484:
1482:
1472:
1463:
1454:
1445:
1436:
1427:
1425:
1415:
1406:
1397:
1388:
1379:
1370:
1361:
1351:
1342:
1333:
1324:
1322:
1312:
1303:
1294:
1285:
1276:
1267:
1258:
1249:
1240:
1231:
1222:
1220:
1210:
1201:
1192:
1183:
1174:
1165:
1155:
1146:
1137:
1130:
1126:
1120:
1111:
1102:
1093:
1084:
1082:
1080:
1070:
1068:
1058:
1049:
1047:
1045:
1035:
1033:
1022:
1013:
1011:
1001:
999:
989:
980:
971:
969:
959:
957:
946:
937:
928:
919:
910:
901:
892:
883:
881:
871:
862:
853:
844:
835:
833:
823:
814:
805:
796:
787:
785:
775:
773:
763:
761:
759:
751:
745:
735:
728:
727:2-252-03277-4
724:
718:
714:
707:
702:
697:
696:said in 330:
695:
684:
680:
675:
671:
664:
660:
651:
648:
644:
642:
636:
634:
633:
628:
617:
615:
611:
604:
593:
589:
586:
580:
576:
562:
558:
549:
547:
542:
538:
529:
525:
521:
519:
509:
495:
491:
489:
485:
481:
477:
472:
467:
461:
459:
455:
451:
447:
443:
433:
425:
420:
411:
409:
405:
399:
397:
391:
389:
385:
384:megaloprepeia
380:
375:
371:
369:
365:
361:
357:
353:
349:
345:
341:
337:
333:
325:
321:
307:
305:
295:
294:
289:
285:
281:
277:
273:
269:
265:
261:
257:
252:
250:
240:
236:
232:
228:
224:
223:
218:
214:
209:
201:
197:
196:
191:
181:
177:
167:
157:
153:
149:
148:
143:
139:
138:gymnasiarchia
131:
127:
122:
118:
116:
105:
103:
99:
95:
91:
87:
83:
79:
69:
61:
57:
49:
45:
41:
37:
32:
19:
1863:
1859:
1756:
1747:
1738:
1729:
1720:
1711:
1702:
1693:
1684:
1675:
1666:
1657:
1648:
1639:
1630:
1621:
1612:
1603:
1582:
1573:
1540:
1531:
1510:
1501:
1492:
1471:
1462:
1453:
1444:
1435:
1414:
1405:
1396:
1387:
1378:
1369:
1360:
1350:
1341:
1332:
1311:
1302:
1293:
1284:
1275:
1266:
1257:
1248:
1239:
1230:
1209:
1200:
1191:
1182:
1173:
1164:
1154:
1145:
1136:
1129:Claude Mossé
1124:
1119:
1110:
1101:
1092:
1057:
1021:
988:
979:
945:
936:
927:
918:
909:
900:
891:
870:
861:
852:
843:
822:
813:
804:
795:
744:
734:
729:) s.v. λαός.
717:
704:
699:
690:
682:
677:
672:
668:
649:
645:
637:
630:
627:Four Hundred
623:
607:
602:
590:
584:
581:
577:
573:
559:
555:
543:
539:
535:
526:
522:
514:
492:
487:
483:
479:
475:
470:
462:
453:
431:
429:
423:
407:
400:
392:
387:
383:
376:
372:
359:
355:
351:
343:
331:
329:
291:
283:
267:
263:
253:
249:Persian Wars
239:hippotrophia
238:
234:
230:
226:
220:
210:
193:
189:
179:
166:architheoria
165:
155:
145:
137:
135:
129:
111:
55:
53:
39:
35:
1866:: 147–169.
552:Concealment
480:proeisphora
450:dithyrambic
360:hestiatores
324:Demosthenes
272:Panathenaia
268:hestiatores
256:Demosthenes
227:proeisphora
190:arrhephoroi
180:arrhephoria
130:arrhephoroi
1891:Categories
1852:0198142730
1768:References
503:Exemptions
388:philotimia
332:leitourgós
286:, and the
244:ἱπποτροφία
171:ἀρχιθεωρία
144:, and the
98:euergetism
94:trierarchy
82:city-state
68:leitourgia
1125:symmoriai
632:The Frogs
532:Antidosis
498:Avoidance
484:symmoriai
471:symmoriai
356:symmoriai
352:strategos
336:Aristotle
288:Thargelia
231:symmoriai
222:strategos
217:trierarch
205:ἐγκύκλιοι
185:ἀρρηφορία
156:hestiasis
142:gymnasium
18:Antidosis
694:Lycurgus
610:Pericles
518:Cleruchy
488:symmoria
476:eisphora
454:choregia
442:drachmas
408:choregia
396:new rich
344:choregoi
284:choregoi
264:choregoi
260:Dionysia
235:eisphora
161:ἑστίασις
147:choregia
40:choregoi
614:misthos
603:misthos
585:in fine
437:εὐταξία
432:eutaxia
379:talents
293:theoroi
213:trireme
198:to the
178:;, the
152:theater
100:in the
56:liturgy
1880:283983
1878:
1850:
1820:
1806:
1792:
1778:
1355:74–75.
725:
466:Lysias
458:tripod
368:metics
358:. The
304:Delphi
299:θεωροὶ
280:Lenaia
195:peplos
115:Rhodes
48:Athens
1876:JSTOR
1026:35-40
710:Notes
364:tribe
60:Greek
1848:ISBN
1818:ISBN
1804:ISBN
1790:ISBN
1776:ISBN
723:ISBN
601:The
73:ἔργο
54:The
36:deme
1868:doi
1864:120
208:).
46:of
1893::
1874:.
1862:.
1854:).
1591:^
1561:^
1549:^
1519:^
1480:^
1423:^
1320:^
1218:^
1078:^
1066:^
1043:^
1031:^
1009:^
997:^
967:^
955:^
950:18
879:^
831:^
783:^
771:^
757:^
679:".
66:,
62::
1882:.
1870::
1824:)
1810:)
1796:)
1782:)
434:(
296:(
241:(
182:(
168:(
158:(
58:(
50:.
20:)
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License. Additional terms may apply.
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