Dainik Jagran - Knowledge

560: 193: 1364:, low testing rates, the lack of PPE kits and ventilators in hospitals and general mismanagement by the government. It instead condemned opposition parties that criticised the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government's management and accused them of spreading "negativity" at a time when the government was dealing with a "war-like situation". The newspaper itself criticised measures taken by state governments with an opposition party or coalition in power while praising similar measures taken in Bharatiya Janata Party ruled states. 1257:'s average issue readership fell by 17% from a figure of 20.3 million to 16.9 million. In Uttar Pradesh which stood as its biggest market, the readership fell from 12 million to 9.97 million while in the state of Bihar, it fell from 3.41 million to 2.97 million. The fall in readership was part of a general trend of fall in newspaper readership due to economic slowdown, only 3 out of the 10 newspapers with the largest readership did not experience a fall. One of them was its rival, 1557: 1490: 1284: 595: 665: 623: 609: 637: 581: 567: 651: 29: 1752:

additional agreement signed on 10 January 1976, the lawsuit states that the trademark name is jointly owned by the lineal descendants of the three brothers, namely J. C. Arya, G. D. Gupta and P. C. Gupta, and not solely by the P. C. Gupta family. The J. C. Arya family own the associate company Dainik Jagran LLP which publishes the Jhansi edition of the newspaper.

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government advertisements at a later date and presented as new stories, which according to media analyst Vineet Kumar brings into question the credibility of its general reportage as well. Some of the advertorial reports have been found to be duplicates of reports which were earlier published as news items by outlets such as

38: 801:. K. Vikram Rao, the national chairman of a major journalist's union suggested that a more rigorous system was required, that a specialised training in journalism should be needed before a person could be employed by a newspaper and that the Press Council should have stronger tools for penalising journalists. 1783:

are registered under Jagran Prakashan, the court did not find sufficient grounds for an interim restraining order on the use of the trademark name. The company has also been allowed to go ahead with its transfer of shares and others mergers and acquisitions while the case continues to be litigated in

1767:(FIPB) seeking rejection of Jagran Prakashan's holding company transferring shares to Blackstone Group that was planning on investing in the company. S. M. Gupta stated that the unauthorised transfer of shares without consultation with the associate companies adversely affected them and would lead to 1434:

that found their claims did not match ground realities and noted that the newspaper was known to have been receiving large revenues through government advertisements and disguising them as news. The investigation could not verify the age of the old image but it was found that the image was taken at a

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112 crore or US$ 13 million in 2023). The advertisement spending included political promotions and advertisements disguised as news items. In one instance, five full-page advertisements were published in the newspaper in the period between 25 and 27 May 2015 celebrating the one year

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was charged 30%, but the hawkers forced the former to increase its rate over the latter, marking the beginning of a period of fierce negotiations over commission rates and recurrent increases in the rates for both newspapers. Eventually the conflict ended when the two newspapers decided to join hands

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but severely harmed stand-alone local newspapers who were unable to compete against them in terms of production or offers to advertisers. The changes however did not bring about any improvements in the working conditions, job security and professional autonomy of reporters. Most of them were kept as

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which sought equality for lower castes. The story caused resentment among Dalits and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) which mainly drew support from them described it as the latest example of a Brahmin dominated press and establishment's constant mudslinging against lower castes. In Lucknow, supporters

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which offered articles at cheaper rates and by getting free article submissions from political players and activists who were hungry for publicity. He was constantly visiting metropolitan cities to sell advertisement space in the newspaper, and hired reporters on a part-time basis during his visits

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Jagran Prakashan rejected all claims made by the lawsuit, contesting that the two agreements had any impact over the rights and reiterated its claim of exclusive rights on the trademark name. Responding to the appeal at FIPB, the company contested that the transfer of shares related to a different

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The newspaper had become financially secure and had liquid funds at hand, that led Gupta's sons to encourage him to look into expansion. They had thought of Gorakhpur as the first place to go as it did have a local newspaper or a newspaper edition that was based in the city at that time. Gorakhpur

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which publishes the Rewa and Bhopal editions. According to the lawsuit, the P. C. Gupta family controlled Jagran Prakashan is making unauthorised use of the trademark name and has laid a false claim of exclusive rights over it. On the basis of a family partition dating back to 12 June 1951 and an

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Despite the story having been given less importance by the newspaper, it created a sensation as having an illegitimate child was a serious accusation for an unmarried woman and a question of virtue. In addition, Mayawati maintained a public image that she had denied herself family and children to

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were both among the new newspapers to join the 100,000+ club. The period had transformed the newspaper industry and regional language papers including that of Hindi became the face of the rapidly changing industry that would be transformed into mass media over the course of the following decades.

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and then followed by a series of reports from the newspaper between late May to early June that attempted to reinforce the same idea. The newspaper before publishing the 23 May piece had previously published news reports which contradictorily stated that there was an increase in mass burials and

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and blamed Muslims for the pandemic. The newspaper created a narrative that the government was well prepared and had brought the pandemic under control but simultaneously presented the idea that Muslims were intentionally spreading the virus which had led to the nation losing the "battle against

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Staff at the newspaper strongly rejected the charges against the newspaper though they were apologetic about the story. Vinod Shukla, who was the resident editor in Lucknow was infuriated by the criticism, particularly that from Joshi and dismissed it as jealously during his editorial meetings.

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advertisements include laudatory reports of the government's activities, quotes from apparent residents praising the government and statements made by Bharatiya Janata Party politicians presented as facts without any attribution. Several of the newspaper's own news reports were repurposed into

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of the newspapers at the time, responded to the criticism with an editorial. In the newspaper's defense, he stated that the newspaper itself was against this kind of journalism and he regretted that the story had been published but alleged that the fault lay on western norms influencing Indian

699:. Vinod Shukla was hired to oversee the Lucknow edition and help them force its way into the Lucknow market, where the newspaper faced intense competition and pressures from trade unions. The Allahabad edition was shifted to Varanasi in 1981. The newspaper then entered the circulation area of 1469:

filed a defamation case against the organisation claiming that the report had made disparaging remarks about the newspaper and forwarded a plea that the report should be suppressed for the duration of the case. On 1 November 2021, the Delhi High Court squashed the plea stating that there was

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against Muslims and extensively publicised the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh including through the publication of various articles authored by its senior leaders. The overall coverage lacked transparency, journalistic ethics, accuracy and factual reporting. The reportage prioritised stories on

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experienced similar increases in revenue from government advertisements. The advertisement spending by state governments of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, particularly the Uttar Pradesh Government whose advertisements regularly featured in the newspaper was not disclosed upon

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went on a multi edition expansion beyond their home states. The newspapers had a new generation of foreign educated heirs, generally sons or nephews of the older owners who unlike their predecessors took active interest in expansions, capital acquisition and partnerships. For

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In response to the protest by BSP supporters, journalists who were supportive of newspaper held their own protest against the party describing it to be in defense of press freedom. It was reported that several newspapers were going to boycott the party's campaign during the

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During the Emergency, the circulation of Hindi newspapers rose significantly as a result of increased political consciousness and by 1977, the number of newspapers that were selling more 100,000 copies had risen to over 10 from a figure three before its imposition.

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n. Some commentators noted that while journalists had frequently faced violence, generally from Hindutva groups, such an instance leading to a boycott was unique and had resulted from the only instance in which a newspaper had faced attacks from a Dalit group.

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and other locals at the two ghats who all confirmed that while some burials had always occurred, they had never seen such a large scale increase in their numbers before the pandemic. The investigative report was published by the fact checking organisation

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that had occupied the position since 2002. The two newspapers had maintained a tacit understanding since the beginning of their out of state expansion drives in the mid-1990s, that they would not encroach upon each other's territories. As a consequence,

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The story also faced criticism from journalists and commentators. It was condemned as sensationalist journalism that was engaging in gossip about the private life of a female politician and disparaging her. The criticism was accompanied by questions on

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had employed a five-man team who made finding after covering over a dozen villages along a 70 km stretch on the Ganga, which included the Phaphamau and Shringverpur ghats. The story was highlighted by BJP politicians including the Chief Minister

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was unsure about the expansion but Shukla supported by Gupta's son used the period as an opportunity to consolidate the newspaper. The Emergency created a demand for critical journalism which the newspaper provided and enabled it to make inroads in

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adopted across the board cost cutting measures; the newspapers halved the number of pages and consolidated printing. It also started raising its cover prices whenever it could which Agarwal claimed was done to recover lost advertisement revenue.

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published a frontpage story that claimed that the mass burials were normal, that no increase in deaths had occurred and that those who were buried had died of leprosy and snake bites, dismissing the reports from other news publishers as mere

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edition in 1999. In 1995, its circulation exceeded 0.5 million and the newspaper was being published from 12 locations across Uttar Pradesh and in New Delhi. In 1998, the newspaper received a competitive boost when the Prime Minister

755:, had an illegitimate 12-year-old daughter. Published at the bottom of the first page in a short two column section, the story included claims that her daughter was hidden away in New Delhi and was borne out of a former " 3985:

When asked who is behind all this, he quipped, "everyone knows in Patna who is he…why should I take his name?" Is he former DGP Abhyanand who was earlier associated with Super-30 for five years?, Mr. Kumar did not

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by 2005. In the meantime, commercial interests in the wake of the rapid rise of Hindi newspaper readership compelled the mainstream Hindi newspapers to moderate their adversarial stance towards backward and

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to have carried very substandard content and expected an expansion attempt in the city to be easy. The paper had brought out printing machines for Kanpur in December and responded almost immediately after

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informants who obtain news items from small towns and villages, for the newspaper's sub-edition pages containing district specific news. The stringers generally do not have qualifications in journalism.

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was announced and it heavily impacted news publishers who were already strained due to the emergence of other forms of news media that had splintered audiences and due to the economic slowdown caused by

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The expanding newspapers were motivated by the prospects of revenues that could be obtained by offering increased overall readership figures to advertisers. They copied the strategy that was devised by

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which came close to displacing Jagran's position as the newspaper with the largest readership. Its readership had increased from 15.4 to 15.6 million with gains in Bihar. According to media watchdog

458:. The Kanpur edition, run by Puranchand Gupta was covering four neighbouring districts from the city and had reached a limit where it could no longer increase its circulation in the regional market. 1117:

edition which marked the beginning of a period intense rivalry between the two. The new edition was unsuccessful in making in-roads in the market, unable to compete against the Indore edition of

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mountain pass was opened with the expectation that the city would become a major commercial centre. The launch added to the intensification of competition in the region which lay beyond the

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of the party demonstrated around the office of the newspaper, blockading it for a day. There were reports of violence during the protest and the author who wrote the piece was threatened.

983:’s circulation experienced a fourfold growth in the new state due to the increased commercial importance of the state's capital. In February 2003, the newspaper launched 3 editions in 340:, which was the capital of United Provinces. In preparation for the launch, he acquired a building on rent and sent machinery to be set up there but soon learned that the newspapers 1694:

declaring it as a false case of rape and tried to defend the rapists which were later refuted by the CBI when it said that gangrape did occur and the state tried to do a cover-up.

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coronavirus". Muslims were dehumanised as the "nation's enemies" and depicted as uncivilised violent people who attacked healthcare professionals and violated lockdown measures.

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journalism and on Mayawati herself who according to him used "ugly language" and was part of a trend where Indian politics had become unethical which had led to the situation.

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government. The advertisements copy the newspaper's general news report style and are usually published on the front pages. They are sometimes accompanied with bylines to

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saw a sharp increase with exorbitant spending on regular advertisements. Between 2014–15 and 2018–19, the revenues generated solely from government advertisements of the

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37 crore or US$ 4.5 million in 2023) that the paper had received between 2010 and 2013, covering three financial years before Modi had come to power.

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initiated by the G. D. Gupta family against Jagran Prakashan in 2007 . The G. D. Gupta family are the controlling shareholders of Jagran Publications Pvt. Ltd., an

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had only 55 full time staff correspondents and 300 "working journalists" in a total staff strength of 700, the rest being stringers, regional correspondents, etc.

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The newspaper faced financial problems in the beginning and Gupta had to borrow from his family to keep it running. He cut down on editorial costs by relying on

3919: 3711: 932:. The interview was later seen as an act of political patronage towards a newspaper that had remained loyal to Vajpayee and his Bharatiya Janata Party. In the 840: 1401:

and bodies floating all across the river caused by people's inability to afford crematoriums that were severely overburdened from Coronavirus related deaths.

4098: 3753:"'No Reason To Intervene & Stifle Ever Widening Contours Of Free Speech': Delhi Court Rejects Dainik Jagran's Plea Seeking Removal Of Alt News Article" 1413:. The story included a comparison of a recent image with an image that it claimed was taken three years ago from a mass burial at the Shringverpur ghat in 1109:

were primarily migrants who had come from Uttar Pradesh and wanted news from their native region. In 2006, the understanding between the two was broken by

1462:'s Prayaraj edition who refused to comment on the story but two of them confirmed that there was an unprecedented increase in the number of mass burials. 3752: 1361: 695:'s Gorakhpur edition marked the beginning of the newspaper's own period of rapid expansion. In 1979, the newspaper launched two editions in Lucknow and 6980: 3771: 503: 314: 3964: 6609: 3541: 940:

was seen to have become the first Hindi language newspaper to feature in the top 5 newspapers in terms of readership, at a time when newspapers from

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in 1999 was the first of a series of editions outside Uttar Pradesh and is described to have been the beginning of its real expansion. In 2000, the

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no reason to intervene and stifle free speech", noting the interviews that the report was based on and stated the report was within the ambit of

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41 crore or US$ 4.9 million in 2023) in ad revenue from the Central Government which was more than the combined ad revenue of

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for its newsgathering operations. The expansion efforts by the established newspapers led to increased localisation of news content across the

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and first published in 1942. Prior to this, Gupta had worked as the managing editor of a local magazine since 1939 and would frequently visit

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reporter Shivendra Srivastav who had covered Phaphamau ghat and government data related to local management. Alt News contacted reporters at

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and on its basis falsely stated that most images of mass burials at the ghat were taken before the pandemic. According to the news piece,

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a national newspaper, they had to launch an edition in Delhi. From the 1990s onwards, established Hindi language newspapers such as the

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over the use of the trademark name. In 2010, Sanjeev Mohan Gupta, the director of Jagran Publications Pvt. Ltd., also appealed to the

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and claimed to have a circulation of 21,000 copies covering Uttar Pradesh and Vindhya Pradesh. Gupta registered the newspaper at the

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for newsgathering in those cities. P. D. Gupta who was the younger brother of Puranchand launched two editions of the newspaper in

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ideology. The newspaper has never openly admitted to any leanings and claims that it is neutral in its political orientation.

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entity and did not concern the subject matter of the litigation. In light of the fact that 35 out of the 39 editions of

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instead. The machinery was diverted to Kanpur, new premises rented out and the newspaper launched on 21 September 1947.

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to secure advertisements to publish in the magazine, which gave him the required connections and confidence to start a

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The lawsuit was started by Madan Mohan Gupta backed by several other members of the family and they applied for an

787:, professionalism and credibility. Some of the prominent critics included the chairman of the Press Council, Judge 306: 279: 1246:(RTI) requests. The government also inducted Sanjay Gupta, the editor-in-chief of the newspaper into the board of 6857: 6847: 6685: 6652: 6542: 6517: 6083: 1614:'s staff, some of whom have been identified to be members of the newspaper's marketing team. The contents of the 1070: 6827: 6731: 6726: 6672: 6502: 6162: 1857:'s Indore edition by launching its own editions in Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Dhanbad and Patna between 2010 and 2014. 1329: 1243: 6802: 6716: 4543: 1728:

region. The report was debunked by the Indian army officials saying there was no truth in any of the claims.

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in the same city. It prompted Gupta to quickly change his plans with the decision to launch the newspaper in

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part timers and those who were granted regular positions were retained on a "hire-and-fire" basis. In 1992,

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

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Contesting 'Good' Governance: Crosscultural Perspectives on Representation, Accountability and Public Space

6776: 6766: 6568: 6472: 6467: 6462: 6044: 4164: 1900: 1185: 208: 270:, Dainik Jagran reported a total readership of 68.6 million and was the top publication. It is owned by 6522: 6452: 6372: 5434: 4957: 4850: 3851: 3822: 3163: 3116:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 3090: 2936: 2812:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 2768:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 2727:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 2686:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 2613:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 2569:"The Illicit Daughter: Hindi-Language Newspapers and the Regionalisation of the Public Sphere in India" 2532: 2468: 2054: 1320: 933: 6721: 6706: 6581: 6172: 3496:"The Ad Rush: At Least 90 Lakh Was Spent To Mark 100 Days of AAP And One Year Of Modi In Delhi Alone" 2660: 1697:

Dainik Jagran is accused of running smear campaigns against Indian mathematician and educationalist,

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is also accused of running false narratives in support of the BJP government. It ran a news covering

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was suffering from "falling credibility in a politically polluted atmosphere" among other issues.

6346: 4753: 3692:"Dainik Jagran's misleading reports portray mass burials in Prayagraj haven't risen due to COVID" 1521: 1177: 727:

and Delhi editions after being hit by an eight month long shut-down in the cities of Lucknow and

516: 2193:(2005). "Flourishing Papers, Floundering Craft: The Press and the Law". In Rajan, Nalini (ed.). 1712:

officials demolished her house, including claiming that she expressed her support for terrorist

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In August 2023, Dainik Jagran reported that Indian army carried out a "surgical strike" in the

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He also inducted his six sons into the newspaper's management while they were still in school.

6218: 6213: 6131: 5379: 5316: 5068: 4802: 4781: 4355: 3521:"Dainik Jagran editor-in-chief Sanjay Gupta inducted as a member of the Prasar Bharati Board" 1540: 1046: 995:. It was aggressively marketed and publicised but was unable to make a significant impact as 893: 771: 526:

In midst of the conflict hawkers gained significant influence over the newspapers; initially

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different location. Independent journalist Prashant Singh conducted several interviews with

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By the mid-1950s, Gupta had started making pitches for advertisements and advertising the

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Harivansh (2005). "Prabhat Khabar: An Experiment in Journalism". In Rajan, Nalini (ed.).

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Dainik Jagran has been accused of spreading fake news and propaganda on many occasions.

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was looking to expand the newspaper as he predicted that a single edition newspaper in

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Politics After Television: Hindu Nationalism and the Reshaping of the Public in India

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Politics After Television: Hindu Nationalism and the Reshaping of the Public in India

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Dainik Jagran demonised and ran a smear campaign against activist Afreen Fatima when

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which dominated the circulation in Lucknow discontinued all its editions except the

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Government policy was changed as well which facilitated the growth of the industry.

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would become unviable in the long term. Shukla who had visited Kanpur in 1974 found

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observed silence over Delhi violence and was accused of suppressing the incident.

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had emerged as the newspaper with the largest readership, having displaced Dainik

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to rapidly increase its circulation in the Lucknow region with minimal hindrance.

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Pandemic and Crisis Discourse: Communicating COVID-19 and Public Health Strategy

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Pandemic and Crisis Discourse: Communicating COVID-19 and Public Health Strategy

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Pandemic and Crisis Discourse: Communicating COVID-19 and Public Health Strategy

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against the hawkers and pushed the commission rate back down to a fixed 30%.

479: 310: 140: 3798:"Who Owns Your Media: Jagran Group and the story of India's most read daily" 1430:

In June, a journalistic investigation was conducted into the claims made by

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had published reports and images of mass burials on the banks of the river

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or Jharkhand. In the state of Madhya Pradesh, those who were subscribed to

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The newspaper publishes advertisements disguised as news reports for the

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against each other for control over offices, territory and distribution.

1975:

Nag, Tirthankar; Basu, Rituparna; Dasgupta, Buroshiva (1 January 2017).

1899:

Aneez, Z.; Chattapadhyay, S.; Parthasarathi, V.; Nielsen, R. K. (2016).

1556: 1489: 1283: 971:, the newspaper focused on crime stories and prioritised presenting the 6395: 5975: 5940: 5828: 5743: 5620: 5613: 5351: 5296: 5249: 4984: 4915: 4634: 4376: 3939:"How Dainik Jagran and TOI's Lucknow editions ignored the Hathras rape" 3654:

Musolff, Andreas; Breeze, Ruth; Kondo, Kayo; Vilar-Lluch, Sara (2022).

3622:

Musolff, Andreas; Breeze, Ruth; Kondo, Kayo; Vilar-Lluch, Sara (2022).

3593:

Musolff, Andreas; Breeze, Ruth; Kondo, Kayo; Vilar-Lluch, Sara (2022).

1816: 1756: 1713: 1638: 1151: 988: 929: 897: 885: 871: 701: 491:'s Gorakhpur launch by launching its own Kanpur edition in April 1975. 62: 4133: 2657:

India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in North India

1898: 6558: 6477: 6326: 6285: 6280: 6270: 6257: 5995: 5771: 5757: 5750: 5586: 5552: 5469: 5462: 5365: 5344: 5307: 5221: 5207: 5193: 4991: 4943: 4585: 4473: 4209: 3878:"Why the Hindu nationalist Jagran group runs the Urdu daily Inquilab" 3716: 3123: 2819: 2775: 2734: 2693: 2620: 2576: 1414: 1372:

During second wave of the pandemic, national news publishers such as

1167: 1006: 984: 964: 920: 696: 449: 52: 28: 1673:) through its opinion-editorials and in editorialised news reports. 6426: 6377: 6341: 6157: 5764: 5716: 5707: 5689: 5448: 5427: 5075: 4950: 4823: 4746: 4390: 4369: 4306: 3696: 1702: 1642: 1620: 1451: 1360:'s coverage largely ignored and distracted from issues such as the 1164:, the former of which was launched only a few months ago in March. 1147: 1143: 1018: 1014: 963:

and Allahabad, and in the following year it launched an edition in

916: 793: 748: 714: 463: 373: 352:

were in the midst of launching their first Hindi language editions

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Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India

3819:

Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India

3160:

Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India

2933:

Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India

2529:

Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India

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