Kushwaha - Knowledge

248: 664:. The Backward politics of Lalu Prasad Yadav resulted in rise to political prominence of numerous Backward castes, among which the Koeri were prominent. In this period, caste remained the most-effective tool of political mobilisation; some leaders who were theoretically opposed to caste-based politics also appealed to caste loyalties to secure their victory. The Rabri Devi government appointed ten Koeris as ministers in her cabinet, which was sought by many community leaders as a fair representation of the caste. The portrayal of Lalu Prasad Yadav as a "Messiah of Backward castes" lost traction when the Yadav ascendancy in politics led other aspirational Backward castes to move away from his party. During the 1990s, 692:(BJP), Koeris voted for this alliance and in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP fared well, mostly due to the support of Koeri and Kurmis. The division among Backwards castes also cost their representation in the assemblies. The profile of the Bihar legislative assembly rapidly changed since 1967; until 1995 or 1996, the representation of upper castes was reduced to around 17% but the division among Backwards castes served as a hope to the upper castes to at least increase their representation. The success of the BJP-Samta coalition also consolidated the Koeris and the Kurmis, who merged as a political force in 1996 elections. 531:

from those below them, especially the Dalits, who were still mainly landless labourers. The peasants adopted many of the practices of their erstwhile landlords. The pattern of land reform in states like Bihar mainly benefitted the middle castes like the Koeris, and was also responsible for the imperfect mobilisation of backward castes in politics. The space created by Backward castes in electoral politics after 1967 was dominated mainly by these middle-peasant castes, who were the biggest beneficiary of the "politics of socialism", the proponents of which were people like

1031:, even though the physical labour inherent in their cultivator occupation defined them as Shudra. The movement caused the Kushwaha to abandon their claim of descent from Shiva in favour of the alternative myth of their descent from Rama. In 1921, Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha sanskritisation, published a book offering proof of the Kshatriya status of the Koeri, Kachhi, Murao, and Kushwaha. His reconstructed history said the Kushwaha were Hindu descendants of Kush, and that in the twelfth century, they served Raja 906: 936:, which relies upon the Brahmanical notion of purity and pollution. The Backward caste groups in this region do not use the services of Brahmin priests to perform their rituals; most Koeri households employ a Koeri priest to perform their rituals, and their services are also used by other Backward castes like the Yadav. Koeri priests are different from Brahmin priests in their approval of widow remarriage. They also promote non-vegetarianism and do not grow 57: 45: 1039:. Subsequent persecution by the victorious Muslims caused the Kushwaha to disperse and disguise their identity, foregoing the sacred thread, and thus becoming degraded and taking on localised community names. Gupta's attempt to prove Kshatriya status, in common with similar attempts by others to establish histories of various castes, was spread via the caste associations, which 1058:, and Brahmins worked the fields in some areas, there was no rational basis for assertions such labour marked a community as being of the Shudra varna. William Pinch described the growth of militancy among agricultural castes in the wake of their claims to Kshatriya status. Castes like Koeris, Kurmis, and Yadavs asserted their Kshatriya status verbally and by joining the 645:. For much of the 20th century, the Koeri were generally less effective and less involved in politics than the Kurmis and Yadavs, who broadly shared their socio-economic position in Hindu society. The latter two groups were more vociferous in their actions, including involvement in caste rioting, whilst the Koeris had only a brief prominence during the rise of 190:. At present, it is a broad community formed by coming together of several caste groups with similar occupational backgrounds and socio-economic status, who, over the time, started inter-marrying among themselves and created all India caste network for caste solidarity. The communities which merged into this caste cluster includes Kachhi, Kachhwaha, Kushwaha, 120: 589:(Congress) attracting some of its wealthier leaders to a newly formed unit called the Backward Class Federation, and an effective opposition from upper castes organised to prevent upward mobility of the lower castes. Also, the three putatively allied castes were unable to reconcile their rivalries. The Triveni Sangh also faced competition from the 770:, Kushwahas are more acceptable to other caste groups specially the Extremely Backward Castes in Bihar, when it comes to assuming the political leadership of latter. Mani points towards existence of cordial relationship of Kushwahas with the other caste groups in Bihar's villages, where guests of all rural communities are sent to 466:. The leaders of the organisation declared that they will support only that political party which will provide appropriate representation to them in the government. In the 2018-23 Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly, there were eight members of legislative assembly belonging to Kushwaha community. From the 1399:

Original Text from Book: The reclassification by identification as other backward classes has placed them in various disadvantageous situations, as political reservations are not permitted to OBC persons. A number of families belonging to these caste groups, namely, Kachhi, Kachhwaha, Kushwaha, Mali,

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Original Text from Peasants and Monks in British India "Kushvaha-kshatriya identity was espoused by agricultural communities well known throughout the Gangetic north for an expertise in small-scale vegetable and poppy cultivation. Prominent among them were Kachhi and Murao agriculturalists of central

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William Pinch records; "... a popular concern with status predated the rise of an imperial census apparatus and the colonial obsession with caste. ... laims to personal and community dignity appeared to be part of a longer discourse that did not require European political and administrative

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made it difficult for them to survive in rural areas. The decades following independence were marked by the urbanisation of upper castes, who sold their unproductive holdings, which were mostly bought by the peasants of cultivating middle castes, who were affluent enough to purchase land. Some of the

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The differences between upper backward castes and the extremely backward castes, and Dalits, due to unequal distribution of the benefits of land reforms, was a major challenge before the CPI(ML) in mobilisation of collective force of lower castes against the upper-caste landlords. The upper backward

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Because the peasant castes considered their land to be their most productive asset, they rarely sold it. The zeal of peasant castes to buy more and more land gradually changed their economic profile, and some of them became "neo-landlords". The peasants attempted to protect their new economic status

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in Bihar. The transfer of power also occurred at the local level of governance. The upper caste were first to acquire education and initially benefitted from it but with the expansion in electoral franchise and growth of the "party system", they lost support to upper Backward communities. Nepotism

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The Vaish are the largest and most influential caste group on the island. Internally the group is divided into Koeri, Kurmi, Kahar, Ahir, Lohar and other jatis. In the past many admitted to Chamar status (as shown by historical records), but recently this seems to have become completely taboo. This

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caste, which have same socio-economic status in Bihar. Despite having some similarities, the Kushwaha and the Kurmi are different in many aspects. In the early 20th century, socio-economic ascendancy of the Kurmis led them to become landlords. Consequently, they were involved in the formation of a

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diaspora in Mauritius. The migration of Biharis to neighbouring countries became more pronounced in post-independence India. Small island nations like Mauritius have significant populations of people of Indian origin. The tradition and culture of Hindu migrants in countries like Mauritius is quite

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The pattern of land reforms in Bihar is one of the main reason for imperfect mobilisation of backward castes into the politics. The abolition of all intermediaries had definitely helped the hard working castes like Kurmi, Koeris and Yadav. These small peasant proprietors worked very hard on their

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due to differences with the BJP. Due to the social composition of these parties and the core-voter base, this coalition drew immense support from the Yadav, Kurmi, and Kushwaha castes, which rarely voted together after the 1990s. Consequently, the coalition emerged with a massive victory and the

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Although the end of zamindari led to a mass eviction of sharecroppers and tenant cultivators who were the actual tillers of the land, big landlords from high castes also saw their landholdings diminish. A new class of landlords belonging to the upper-middle caste groups such as Kurmi, Koeri and

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as soldiers in large numbers. The growing militancy among the castes led rural Bihar to become an arena of conflict in which numerous caste-based militias surfaced and atrocities against Dalits became normalised. The militias founded during this period were named after folk figures or popular

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Before the 20th century CE, branches that form the Kushwaha community – the Kachhis, Koeris, and Muraos – favoured a connection with Shiva and Shakta. In the 20th century, the Kushwaha began to claim descent from the Suryavansh dynasty through Kusha, a son of the mythical Rama, an

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termed them mainly movements of the middle-peasant castes who organised against eviction with limited participation of other communities. The reality, however, was more complex. Dalit communities like the Chamars and Pasis, whose traditional occupations were leatherwork and toddy-tapping

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as "middle caste peasants", led this search for greater respectability. According to Pinch; "The concern with personal dignity, community identity, and caste status reached a peak among Kurmi, Yadav, and Kushvaha peasants in the first four decades of the twentieth century".

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Yadavs- officially categorised as other backward classes in contemporary Bihar - emerged. These were mostly small and middle peasants who were able to consolidate their landholdings and position in society in the midst of zamindari reforms (Wilson, 1999; Sharma, 2005).

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number of legislators from these agrarian castes grew compared to previous elections. The coalition was later dissolved and in the 2020 Assembly election, the disunity among the three castes and split of votes led to huge decline in the number of Kushwaha legislators.

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group, now commonly known as 'Rajputs', will also sometimes describe themselves as 'Raviveds'. An explanation may lie in the rapid economic growth of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the lack of positive discrimination measures of the sort seen in India.

593:, a peasant-oriented socio-political campaigning group run by communists. The appeal of the Triveni Sangh had significantly waned by 1947 but had achieved a measure of success outside elections by exerting sufficient influence to bring an end to the 581:, a caste federation that by 1936 claimed to have a million supporters. This coalition followed an alliance for the 1930 local elections, which performed poorly at the polls. The new grouping had little electoral success; it won a few seats in the 1400:

Marrar, Saini, Sonkar, Murai, Shakya, Mourya, Koyri, Koeri, and Panara have come closer to each other and have started intermarrying. They have now developed an all-India network to ensure caste solidarity without jeopardizing the caste interests.

2681: 1081:(OBC) in some states of India. In 2013, the Haryana government added the Kushwaha, Koeri, and Maurya castes to the list of Backward classes. In Bihar they are categorised as OBC. Sub-castes of Kushwaha community, such as the Kachhi, 606:

respectively, formed a significant portion of the landless peasantry and were significant in the Kisan Sabha, which also included members of the high castes such as Brahmins. The Koeris also had a significant presence in the 1960s

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and patronage for fellow caste members in government, which had previously been an upper-caste phenomenon, was now available to the upper Backward communities. This phenomenon continued in the 1970s with the premiership of

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The date of formation of the Triveni Sangh has been variously stated. Some sources have said it was the 1920s but Kumar notes recently discovered documentation that makes 1933 more likely, whilst Jaffrelot has said

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system of forced, unpaid labour; and by providing a platform for people seeking reservation of jobs in government for non-upper-caste people. In 1965, there was an abortive attempt to revive the defunct federation.

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From 1990 onwards, the solidarity of Backward castes was severely weakened due to division among the Koeri-Kurmi community and Yadavs, whose voting patterns were contrasted. When the Samta Party allied with the

363:, Bihar, the Kushwaha are politically strong and are involved with criminality. Author Tilak Das Gupta notes that Koeris of Bihar are known to be an educationally advanced community, along with castes like 2546: 344: 684:, who had provided 12% reservation to lower Backward castes and 8% to upper Backward castes, in which the Koeri were included. The peak of this patronage was reached during the tenure of Laloo Yadav. 1234: 1180: 1009: 419:

in different parts of the state. The community has sizeable presence in almost all of the nineteen assembly constituencies of Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh, which consists seven districts—

1869: 809:, a total of five parliamentarians from the community has been elected since 1957, which is second only to Yadav parliamentarians. The Koeri parliamentarians elected from this constituency are 2509: 2673: 707:

and distributed their votes to other political parties. Koeris, who were one of the most-populous caste groups, were shifted first towards the JD (U)-BJP coalition. After the expulsion of

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In 2023, the regional caste organisation of the community in Madhya Pradesh demanded that at least twenty five candidates of the Kushwaha caste should contest the election in 230 membered

1475: 1313: 1895: 2282:^ Its first mass leader was Jagdish Mahto, a Koeri teacher who had read Ambedkar before he discovered Marx and started a paper in the town of Arrah called Harijanistan ("dalit land"). 2704: 1000:

From around 1910, the Kachhis and the Koeris, both of whom had close links with the British for much of the preceding century due to their favoured role in the cultivation of the

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In the decades following independence, a complete shift of power from upper castes to the "upper Backward castes"; a term coined to describe the Koeri, Yadav, Kurmi, and

1636: 506:, the land reform movement made it difficult for the erstwhile upper-caste landlords to maintain their holdings. The growing pressure from left-wing militants backed by 1600: 774:(a rural living room owned by Kushwahas in popular village culture) to spend the night. As a political bloc, Kushwahas decides the results of elections in at least 63 634: 507: 2782: 1008:. An organisation claiming to represent those two groups and the Muraos petitioned for official recognition as one of the Kshatriya varna in 1928. This action by the 3346: 1043:

wrote provided a link between the "urban, politically literate elite" members of a caste and the "less literate villagers". Some communities, such as the Muraos in

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castes like Koeri were initially less attached to the CPI(ML) due to their economic progress, and the communists were only successful in mobilising them in regions

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also gave significant role to community in Uttar Pradesh's caste based politics. In Uttar Pradesh, community is known by various terms like Maurya, Kushwaha,

618:, where an economic system dominated by upper-caste landlords was still in place. Here, the communist upsurge against the prevalent feudal system was led by 577:

The Kushwaha engaged in political action during these latter days of the Raj. Around 1933 and 1934, the Koeris joined with the Kurmis and Yadavs to form the

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to the post of Deputy Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and projected him as the representative of Kushwaha and its subgroups, the Kachhi-Shakya-Maurya-Saini-

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labourers and after the land reform drive of North Indian states like Bihar, many new landlords of the post reform period also emerged from within them. In

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are among the highest-earning social groups of Bihar, much above the other important backward castes like Yadavs. They are placed below the upper castes in

375:. Amongst various subgroups constituting Kushwaha community, Koeris of Bihar were known to be owner of significant amount of land; they were employers of 2621: 1027:, which promotes the worship and claims of descent from Rama or Krishna to assume the trappings of Kshatriya symbolism and thus permit the wearing of the 979:. Pinch described them as "skilled agriculturalists". This traditional perception of Shudra status was increasingly challenged during the late decades of 2730: 569:

and oppressive attitude of the upper-caste landlords faced by these hardworking caste groups, which prompted them to join revolutionary organisations.

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land and also drive their labourers hard, and any resistance by agricultural labourers gives rise to the mutual conflicts and atrocities on Harijans.

1844: 2401:. University of Akron. Department of Geography & Planning, Association of American Geographers: Concept Publishing Company. pp. 393–400. 1816: 2359: 2258: 1483: 868:. Maurya was even appointed as National General Secretary of the BSP, in order to placate Kushwahas. Previously, Bahujan Samaj Party founder, 1012:(AIKKM) reflected the general trend for social uplift by communities that had traditionally been classified as Shudra. The process, which 637:(CPI(ML)), which murdered many upper-caste landlords in the region. These violent clashes demarcated the boundaries between Koeris and 403:, the Kushwaha community comprise approximately 8.5% of the state's population. They are distributed across the state and are known as 983:

rule, although some castes had made claims of a higher status well before the British administration instituted its first census. The

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and other atrocities. The Koeris have always led the battle of weaker sections of society against landlords. In districts such as

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Kushwahas of North Bihar. Unlike burning on funeral pyre, the deceased is kept in a pit, and then burnt using cow dung cakes and

703:(JD (U))-BJP coalition. The caste-based polarisation in Bihar and other states moved the dominant Backwards castes away from the 1343: 3403: 1644: 3413: 3293: 3266: 3239: 3212: 3185: 3158: 3096: 3066: 3039: 3012: 2985: 2953: 2890: 2439: 2342: 2210: 2180: 2153: 2126: 2099: 2067: 1968: 1934: 1610: 1516: 1456: 1426: 1297: 1270: 1386: 3469: 3464: 2396: 463: 3385: 2867: 2485: 2406: 2303: 2033: 1769: 1677: 1578: 1546: 748: 1536: 1738: 1353: 744: 582: 424: 947:

In recent times (21st century), Kushwahas of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have started associating themselves with the

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The central Bihar Backward castes like Koeri are numerically and politically powerful, and reject the traditional

3444: 2596:"Part of Nitish's core 'Luv-Kush' votebank & on BJP radar — why Kushwahas are sought after in Bihar politics" 1958: 806: 795: 787: 735:

Though generally considered as supporters of Janata Dal (United) in Bihar, the Kushwaha community in some of the

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Some Kushwaha reformers also said, in a similar vein to Kurmi reformer Devi Prasad Sinha Chaudhari, that since

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from 1951 to 2004 only Koeri and Yadav parliamentarians were elected. The Koeri parliamentarians included

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British-era photo of two members of the Koeri community. Koeris are a sub-group of the Kushwaha community.

3474: 1761: 775: 724: 720: 712: 558: 487: 371:, due to more spread of education among them in contrast with several other communities categorised as 333: 1330:

Uttar Pradesh, Kachhvahas of western Uttar Pradesh, and Koiris of Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh."

715:, their votes were distributed amongst the JD (U) and the new social coalition of the BJP with the 586: 503: 479: 444: 302:

are politically and economically marginalised in Mauritius, whereas cultivating castes like Koeri,

1896:"Kushwaha community asked for 25 tickets if not received candidate will be fielded on fifty seats" 387:, who now possess land, education and government jobs have become upwardly mobile and demonstrate 2421: 834: 459:. They are found primarily in areas of the state bordering neighbouring state of Uttar Pradesh. 3479: 2569: 810: 467: 3283: 2783:"Newsmaker: Reluctant to disturb UP OBC poll calculus, BJP retains Keshav Maurya as Deputy CM" 2473: 2021: 1985: 1506: 1287: 880:. Off late, Bharatiya Janata Party also started promoting leaders of the community; it raised 2857: 2823: 2332: 2200: 2170: 2143: 2116: 2057: 1728: 1667: 1185: 944: – a liquid form of sandalwood on the head – which is made by the Brahmin priests. 838: 689: 590: 436: 951:. The members of caste claim that they are direct descendant of the third century B.C ruler 601:

The Kisan Sabha was dominated by peasant castes like the Koeri, Kurmi, and Yadav; historian

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According to Arun Sinha, the Koeris were known for their market gardening activities. Since

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status and "social hierarchy", both of which terms have several variations in Mauritius

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led by Keshav Dev Maurya also claims to represent Kushwaha and its subgroups in state.

483: 159: 2622:"Nitish Kumar's core voter base for decades, why Kushwaha support for NDA is wavering" 1571:"Bihar: What Nitish Kumar and JD(U) Hope To Achieve Through Upendra Kushwaha's Merger" 653:

in Bihar caused an assertion of Yadav-centric policies that demanded a loud reaction.

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Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia: Essays in Memory of Ramkrishna Mukherjee

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Understanding Social Dynamics in South Asia: Essays in Memory of Ramkrishna Mukherjee

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The Kushwaha were traditionally a peasant community and hence perceived to be of the

822: 760: 657: 532: 98: 2917:"Amit Shah coming to Bihar, Nitish invokes the new king among castes Emperor Ashoka" 3121: 976: 873: 849: 708: 404: 286: 231:, who Pinch described as "the embodiment of true devotion to Ram and Sita", during 203: 199: 179: 1790:"Who is Bihar ex-MP Anand Mohan and why Nitish Kumar govt got him freed from jail" 672:, leading to the isolation of Koeri-Kurmi community from Yadavs and Laloo Prasad. 649:. This muted position dramatically changed in the 1990s when the rise to power of 3256: 3229: 3202: 3175: 3148: 3112:

Charsley, S. (1998). "Sanskritization: The Career of an Anthropological Theory".

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Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India

2232: 2089: 1924: 1755: 1446: 1416: 1370: 1260: 1036: 1017: 948: 877: 767: 681: 611: 562: 554: 536: 535:. The unequitable political space at the disposal of other "Backward castes" and 440: 432: 420: 416: 232: 224: 195: 103: 1020:, was a feature of late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century caste politics. 3125: 2541: 2420:

Samta with its leader Nitish is considered to be the party of Koeri-Kurmi, the

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Earlier, the Koeris were given fair representation in the state governments of

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The Kushwaha-Maurya community also have a sizeable presence in Indian state of

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was an implication of these land reforms – according to Varinder Grover:

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Rebels From the Mud Houses: Dalits and the Making of the Maoist Revolution...

2570:"How a Reinvented Left Is Gaining Electoral Significance in Poll-Bound Bihar" 2026:

Government of Peace: Social Governance, Security and the Problematic of Peace

1605: 1086: 1028: 826: 676: 668:, who was projected as the leader of Kurmi and Koeri communities, formed the 646: 619: 578: 400: 368: 256: 340:

have successfully led the Dalits in their armed struggle against landlords.

756: 665: 594: 408: 155: 905: 478:. There were two other legislators from the BJP in the Assembly. From the 3324: 2478:

Electoral Politics in India: The Resurgence of the Bharatiya Janata Party

2425: 1032: 1024: 1001: 980: 669: 650: 491: 2731:"Uttar Pradesh: As a Maya minister cast(e)s net to unite OBCs, BSP wary" 1209:"This 'kheer' cooking in Bihar may leave a bad taste in the BJP's mouth" 336:, Bihar, where the feudal system was prevalent, the Kushwaha along with 2471: 1713: 1637:"Lower castes in Bihar have got political power, not economic progress" 915: 885: 869: 661: 360: 325: 191: 175: 143: 3088:

India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India

2647:"Dominance of Yadavs and Kushwahas in Khagaria Lok sabha constituency" 2202:

Reconsidering Untouchability: Chamars and Dalit History in North India

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India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India

2514: 1821: 1005: 889: 779: 510:(CPI(ML)) and some local political parties; and the weakening of the 22: 2537:"One in every four new Bihar assembly members is from upper castes" 1757:

Migration, Food Security and Development: Insights from Rural India

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Gupta., Tilak D. (1992). ""Yadav Ascendancy in Bihar Politics."".

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Awareness in Weaker Section: Perspective Development and Prospects

146:. The term has been used to represent different sub-castes of the 2756:"Eye on OBCs,Mayawati appoints Maurya as BSP's national gen secy" 2510:"Which Caste Holds Key to Nitish's Return as CM? Here's the Data" 1044: 932: 736: 566: 482:, there were four legislators in the Assembly, Baijnath Kushwah, 299: 264: 228: 174:, but beginning in the 20th century, they claim descent from the 1845:"BSP promotes another Kushwaha with eye on Bundelkhand votebank" 585:

but was defeated by a two-pronged opposition that saw the rival

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land was also bought from Muslim families who were migrating to

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that has traditionally been involved in agriculture, including

2705:"Uttar Pradesh: Wary BSP works to ward off OBC vote claimants" 1035:

in a military capacity during the Muslim consolidation of the

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Social Movements and the State in India: Deepening Democracy?

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Fascinating Hindutva: saffron politics and Dalit mobilisation

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