247:
emperor. These imperial letters, described or transcribed, frequently relate to religious matters concerning the treatment of pagans and
Christians. They are thus an important source for Constantine's religious politics. The pronouncements in the letters are systematically pro-Christian and anti-pagan. They fit well into the Eusebius’ programmatic treatment of Constantine as a devout Christian emperor but are particularly vehement in their anti-paganism, given the historical context. The genuineness of the anti-pagan pronouncements, whether in content or in execution, has thus been a point of contention. Bradbury argues that the anti-pagan pronouncements were implemented but never applied, functioning as a moral guidance. Similarly, Curran argues that anti-pagan pronouncements were not actually put into practice, rather reflecting the emperor's personal stance. Regarding the pro-Christian imperial letters such as his letter to the Palestinians (
22:
191:
forbidding idol worship of his own image and the reiteration of the suppressing of idol worship and sacrifice. As the work concludes, Eusebius give much effort to uncover a personal
Constantine, taking time to describe the Emperor as a remarkable public speaker and preacher, as well as a listener. Near the Emperor's death, Eusebius focuses on Constantine's mental and spiritual strength, as well as his physical strength, helping finish the portrait of a nearly godlike man. The panegyric ends with the death of the Emperor, his funeral, and the succession of the throne.
187:. The Council of Nicaea has been examined closely by scholars for bias however, as Eusebius was himself very involved in the politics of the council. The remainder of the book deals with the ecclesiastical laws of Constantine. Eusebius focuses much of his attention in painting Constantine in an extremely Christian light, building holy sites and allegedly destroying pagan temples. The majority of Constantine's imperial letters appear in book 3.
269:
to previous emperors who fell from power due to their persecution of
Christians, Valerian chief among them, who was himself defeated and captured by the Persians, an event which Constantine ascribes to the Christian deity. Aware of the presence of Christians within Shapurs realm, Constantine, writing on their behalf, calls upon the king to rule over them piously or, in a veiled warning, face the same downfall as other persecutors.
105:
334:. Rather, Barnes claims that before the Council of Nicaea, Eusebius might have seen the Emperor once, in a large crowd of people. It wasn't until 25 years later that Eusebius would meet the Emperor, at the Council of Nicaea. After the Council however, personal contact was sporadic at best. Even letter exchanges between the two were infrequent. It is clear that Eusebius was not the courtier he had painted himself as in
298:
AD335. Placing the letter after these events provides
Eusebius with the opportunity to use the letter to foreshadow Constantine's final war against the Persians, which he claims Constantine said ‘he had still to achieve’. Such foreshadowing is a common motif of Book 4 and a further caution when assessing the authenticity and context of Constantine's correspondence with Shapur as presented by Eusebius.
164:. This section has generated ample controversy, as there is much suspicion regarding the validity of the story. Eusebius claimed that he heard the story from the mouth of Constantine himself; however, much of modern scholarship agrees that the story is a distortion of facts or completely fabricated. The same account is often compared to
168:’, which provides a radically different depiction of the same story. Eusebius moved on to describe Constantine's next military campaign, the war against Licinius. Eusebius facilitates in the blackening of Licinius, who was pro-Christian, that was started by Constantine as imperial propaganda to justify the aggression against
273:
viewing its content as in keeping with
Constantine's' vision of himself as an ambassador of God on earth and his desire for a universal Christian empire. Even so, the religious content of the letter and the claims by Constantine to represent the Christians of the Persian Empire continues to divide scholarly opinion.
310:
wrote that
Eusebius was "more intent on the rhetorical finish of his composition and the praises of the Emperor, than on an accurate statement of facts". Indeed, while many accept the work as generally reliable, few modern scholars claim that the text is not without its question marks, especially in
297:
is peculiar. Barnes has argued for an adoption of an early date for the letter, around AD324/5, and fitting into Book 2 after the defeat of
Licinius. Eusebius however has placed it in Book IV, after Constantine's wars against the Sarmatians and Goths on the Danube, thus moving its chronology to after
272:
The
Letters authenticity is source of debate for many Constantinian scholars. Barnes accepts the letter as genuine, its content in keeping with Constantine's' own view of his career, especially in the period of reform after the defeat of Licinius. Elizabeth Fowden argues for the letters authenticity,
268:
It has been dated between 324 and 336. In the letter
Constantine expresses to Shapur his devotion to Christianity, attributing his success to the Christian deity whose beneficence is the result of Constantine's piety, religious toleration and destruction of Tyrants and persecutors. He makes reference
246:
itself has many imperial documents and letters from
Constantine, some repeating their appearance in Life of Constantine. Eusebius often quotes verbatim both his own work and the imperial documents; however, he also quotes without citing, often to help build his narrative of Constantine as a god-sent
190:
Book 4 is largely concerned with Constantine and his personal life and final accomplishments, concluding with the death of Constantine. Most of the work is devoted to the illustration of Constantine's personal piety. His trip to Persia is painted in an apologetic universal Christian theme, his laws
204:
notes that Eusebius clearly omits accounts and information to portray Constantine in the favorable light. Eusebius advanced the idea of divine right on Constantine, as he was Emperor due to God's will, and is God imitator on earth. Eusebius's narrative constructs Constantine as god-sent, in order
325:
Eusebius was himself a participating member of the Council of Nicaea and his motivations in writing on the matter in which he was an active participant must be approached with caution. Eusebius also takes great pain in describing himself as very close to the Emperor, when in fact, the opposite is
276:
The reliability and motives of Eusebius as a biographer must be considered when analysing the authenticity of the letter and its contents. The letter is distinctive in style from Eusebius’ own writing, and its content and tone is similar to that of the other Constantinian documents in the
251:
2.24-44), various interpretations have been offered as well. While Barnes argues Constantine's letters were public proclamations of his faith within his broader pro-Christian program, Drake interprets the letters rather as documents in favour of religious toleration.
179:. The rest of book 2 ends with the outlining of the religious problems faced by Constantine. Book 3 is largely concerned with Constantine's constructive settlement of the various religious problems. The section includes the only continuous contemporary account of the
349:
remains the most important work for examining the reign of Constantine. Only a select number of pagan accounts of the reign exist or have been discovered, with only one pagan panegyric known to exist. While Eusebius does have a clear pro-Christian bias,
199:
Eusebius’ treatment of Constantine has generated much of the controversy surrounding the text. Eusebius’ use of the panegyric style results in an extremely generous treatment of Constantine that has been noted for its less than objective aims.
217:
Eusebius's known sources for painting a textual portrait of Constantine and his rule come from eight legal texts, forty-six biblical references, and eight literary references. Eusebius often referenced his own former works, forty-one times in
89:. It was never completed due to the death of Eusebius in 339. The work provides scholars with one of the most comprehensive sources for the religious policies of Constantine's reign. In addition to detailing the religious policies of the
285:
Book 2, was taken by many as a sign of his honesty in his use of imperial texts. Unlike the other letters quoted by him this one an extract, lacking the formal greeting found in other imperial documents quoted in the
144:
and oppressive rule accentuates the presentation of Constantine as a strong Christian and a just man. This section also established the overarching metaphor in the work, as Eusebius likens Constantine to
205:
to end the persecution of Christians under the Roman Empire, and ensure the correct worship of God. Eusebius’ vehicle for this narrative is metaphor, and he explicitly paints Constantine in the image of
314:
Eusebius consistently neglects relevant information to portray Constantine in a favorable light. He also engages in the politicization of several topics in the work, most notably the campaign against
330:
notes that Eusebius and Constantine meeting in person was a rare occurrence, as Eusebius did not reside near the capital, nor did he have special access to Constantine, as he claims in
322:. In the former case, Eusebius engages in the tarnishing of Licinius’ reputation, painting him a supporter of pagans and a truce breaker, both claims that are historically dubious.
152:
Eusebius moves on from the introduction to Constantine's military exploits for the remainder of Book 1 and half of Book 2. The first of which, the campaign against
306:
Eusebius's apologetic glorification of Constantine has led scholars to question the credibility of his work: already in the 5th century AD, Christian historian
234:
128:
begins with the declaration that Constantine is immortal. This opening sets the tone for the rest of the work, a general glorification and deification of the
1067:
354:
also provides several insightful secular matters that have not been discovered outside of the work. However, despite its modern significance,
1036:
149:. Eusebius suggests that it was God's will to raise Constantine to emperor, as a reliever of the Christian torment in the Empire.
281:
The discovery of the ‘London Papyrus’, an independent imperial document which was found to be quoted honestly by Eusebius in the
1087:
176:
925:
898:
864:
836:
821:
783:
962:
1062:
1072:
358:
was widely obscure in the 4th and 5th centuries, and did not reach popularity until much later in history.
327:
201:
1057:
805:
Bradbury, Scott (1994). ‘Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century’,
1082:
993:
224:
879:
Fowden, Elizabeth Key (2006). "Constantine and the Peoples of the Eastern Frontier", in Lenski, N.
21:
319:
180:
1019:
1012:
955:
999:
307:
161:
78:
49:
986:
82:
8:
1077:
109:
842:
Drake, H. A. (Jan. 1988). ‘What Eusebius Knew: The Genesis of the “Vita Constantinii”’,
948:
921:
894:
860:
832:
817:
779:
915:
888:
854:
773:
140:. Constantine is contrasted with the tyrannical Diocletian, whose persecution of
74:
62:
38:
1051:
90:
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and is the only one in which Constantine is dealing with secular affairs.
98:
165:
141:
137:
917:
From Nicaea to Chalcedon: A Guide to the Literature and Its Background
261:
153:
70:
54:
890:
Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity
971:
850:
798:
Barnes, Timothy (1985). ‘Constantine and the Christians of Persia’:
315:
184:
169:
104:
129:
859:. Averil, Cameron; Stuart Hall, trans. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
136:. The work progresses into Constantine's time under the Emperor
814:
Pagan city and Christian capital : Rome in the fourth century
206:
146:
133:
42:
940:
101:, as well as a semi-bibliographic account of Constantine.
97:
to engage several of his own religious concerns, such as
829:
Constantine and the Bishops: The Politics of Intolerance
86:
264:’ is a diplomatic exchange located in Book 4 of the
175:
The work transitions from military campaigns to the
881:The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine,
255:
1049:
311:regards to the motives and biases of Eusebius.
156:, contains perhaps the most famous scene in the
765:
424:
422:
778:. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
397:
395:
956:
831:, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
511:
509:
1068:Cultural depictions of Constantine the Great
914:Young, Frances; Teal, Andrew (1 June 2010).
419:
883:U.S.A. Cambridge University Press p. 389-90
392:
194:
1037:National Library of Russia, Codex Syriac 1
963:
949:
506:
341:
913:
893:. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
386:
920:. Grand Rapids: Baker Publishing Group.
849:
743:
719:
707:
500:
488:
476:
452:
440:
428:
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103:
20:
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886:
771:
755:
731:
515:
464:
944:
645:
643:
641:
25:An image of Constantine, subject of
13:
638:
14:
1099:
93:under Constantine, Eusebius uses
293:The letters location within the
260:The ‘Letter of Constantine I to
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652:
629:
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602:
593:
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575:
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557:
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539:
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521:
494:
482:
256:The Letter to Shapur in Book IV
16:4th century AD work by Eusebius
470:
458:
446:
434:
407:
380:
368:
301:
1:
1088:Works by Eusebius of Caesarea
183:as well as the pilgrimage to
177:religious rule of Constantine
34:Life of Constantine the Great
970:
800:The Journal of Roman Studies
766:General and cited references
563:Drake 2000, pp. 199, 245-250
361:
108:Facsmilie of a 15th-century
55:
7:
816:, Oxford: Clarendon Press,
119:
10:
1104:
635:Eusebius 1999, pp. 313-314
608:Eusebius 1999, pp. 157-158
527:Bradbury 1994, pp. 120-121
212:
43:
1029:
978:
590:Eusebius 1999, pp.156-157
572:Eusebius 1999, pp.156-158
124:Divided into four books,
57:Bios Megalou Kōnstantinou
44:Βίος Μεγάλου Κωνσταντίνου
812:Curran, John R. (2000).
775:Constantine and Eusebius
772:Barnes, Timothy (1981).
617:Barnes, 1985, pp.130-132
545:Curran 2000, pp. 169-179
195:Treatment of Constantine
694:Socrates Scholasticus,
658:Barnes 1985, pp.131-132
626:Fowden 2006, pp. 389-90
342:Historical significance
244:Ecclessiastical History
1063:Ancient Roman speeches
1013:Praeparatio evangelica
887:Fowden, Garth (1993).
696:Historia Ecclesiastica
581:Barnes, (1985), p. 132
230:Historia Ecclesiastica
225:Ecclesiastical History
116:
66:
29:
1000:Epistula ad Carpianum
839:, retrieved 2019-12-2
827:Drake, H. A. (2000).
824:, retrieved 2019-12-2
685:Drake 1988, pp. 27-28
676:Eusebius 1999, p. 175
536:Bradbury 1994, p. 135
387:Young & Teal 2010
308:Socrates Scholasticus
162:vision of Constantine
107:
79:Constantine the Great
24:
1073:Greek-language books
844:Classical Philology,
698:, Book I, Chapter 1.
599:Eusebius 1999, p.157
235:Tricennalian Oration
83:Eusebius of Caesarea
1006:Life of Constantine
856:Life of Constantine
807:Classical Philology
649:Eusebius 1999, p.5
554:Barnes 1981, p. 210
356:Life of Constantine
352:Life of Constantine
347:Life of Constantine
336:Life of Constantine
332:Life of Constantine
220:Life of Constantine
158:Life of Constantine
126:Life of Constantine
114:Life of Constantine
110:Old Church Slavonic
95:Life of Constantine
85:in the 4th century
27:Life of Constantine
734:, pp. 266–267
667:Barnes 1985, p.132
117:
112:manuscript of the
30:
1058:4th-century books
1045:
1044:
927:978-0-8010-3915-7
900:978-0-691-06989-0
866:978-0-19-814924-8
837:978-0-801-87104-7
822:978-0-199-25420-0
785:978-0-674-16530-4
320:Council of Nicaea
181:Council of Nicaea
132:and his works on
52:
1095:
1083:Unfinished books
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951:
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249:Vita Constantini
240:Laus Constantini
67:Vita Constantini
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222:, most notably
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328:Timothy Barnes
326:most likely.
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214:
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121:
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15:
9:
6:
4:
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518:, p. 270
517:
512:
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501:Eusebius 1999
497:
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489:Eusebius 1999
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477:Eusebius 1999
473:
467:, p. 267
466:
461:
455:, p. 313
454:
453:Eusebius 1999
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443:, p. 287
442:
441:Eusebius 1999
437:
431:, p. 256
430:
429:Eusebius 1999
425:
423:
416:, p. 224
415:
414:Eusebius 1999
410:
404:, p. 204
403:
402:Eusebius 1999
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40:
36:
35:
28:
23:
19:
1018:
1011:
1005:
1004:
992:
985:
931:. Retrieved
916:
904:. Retrieved
889:
880:
870:. Retrieved
855:
843:
828:
813:
806:
799:
789:. Retrieved
774:
758:, p. 86
751:
739:
727:
715:
703:
695:
690:
681:
672:
663:
654:
631:
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559:
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503:, p. 15
496:
491:, p. 35
484:
479:, p. 34
472:
460:
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436:
409:
389:, p. 15
382:
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94:
91:Roman Empire
77:in honor of
56:
33:
32:
31:
26:
18:
1030:Manuscripts
1020:Onomasticon
809:89 120–139.
756:Fowden 1993
732:Barnes 1981
722:, p. 7
710:, p. 4
516:Barnes 1981
465:Barnes 1981
377:, p. 1
302:Credibility
99:apologetics
73:written in
1078:Panegyrics
1052:Categories
933:2012-12-01
906:2012-12-01
872:2012-12-01
791:2012-12-01
232:) and the
166:Lactantius
142:Christians
138:Diocletian
987:Chronicon
802:, Vol. 75
362:Citations
262:Shapur II
242:). The
154:Maxentius
71:panegyric
50:translit.
972:Eusebius
853:(1999).
851:Eusebius
318:and the
316:Licinius
185:Bordeaux
170:Licinius
120:Synopsis
213:Sources
130:Emperor
69:) is a
924:
897:
863:
835:
820:
782:
160:, the
53:
979:Works
279:Life.
266:Life.
207:Moses
147:Moses
134:Earth
75:Greek
63:Latin
39:Greek
922:ISBN
895:ISBN
861:ISBN
833:ISBN
818:ISBN
780:ISBN
295:Life
288:Vita
283:Life
81:by
1054::
640:^
508:^
421:^
394:^
338:.
209:.
172:.
87:AD
65::
61:;
47:,
41::
964:e
957:t
950:v
936:.
909:.
875:.
794:.
238:(
228:(
37:(
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