National Radical Camp

630:. Its ideological declaration, drafted mainly by Mosdorf, was published the next day in the weekly "Sztafeta". The ONR was to be a social movement, led by a multi-stage conspiratorial Polish Organization, interacting through loyal and proven activists with various associations and organizations, and there were plenty of them at the time, as almost everyone was involved in something - from student corporations, Brotherly Aid to scouting. After the establishment of the ONR, a period of intensive organizational development followed. Within two months, several thousand members were recruited. In Warsaw alone, the ONR had 2,200 members and 3,000 supporters in 17 sections. National radicals operated almost exclusively in the capital city of Warsaw. Attempts were made to remedy this by expanding local structures. In May 1934, 33 new sections were created (18 in the Warsaw voivodeship, 13 in the Łódź voivodeship, one each in the Lublin and Nowogródek voivodeships), and the activity of national radicals was also noted in the Poznań voivodeship (the absorption of the Great Poland Party) and Wilno voivodeships. During the month of its existence, the ONR held over 20 public meetings and also achieved success in the local elections in Żychlin. 1169:, but without a ribbon and raised with the blade upward. White armbands with "Falanga" printed in black were also used as an alternate organizational badge, used by the magazine's distributors - usually members of the RNR. In 1937, a new badge design appeared in the form of a geometrically simplified image of a hand with a sword placed on a green background. This emblem was referred to as a "falanga"; it was intended to symbolize modernity and the coming of the "national revolution." Logos were also developed for the RNR's satellite organizations; the National Labor Organization, a small trade union of about 5,000 workers, used a symbol modeled on the "falanga" of a hand holding a hammer. In turn, the Polish Cultural Action Organization, which brought together representatives of the broader world of culture and art, used a hand with a hammer based on the initials of its name. It is not known whether RNR members, in addition to armbands with the "falanga," used other organizational badges - iconographic documents confirm that popular among them were classic swords with a sash without initials. The Falangists also had their own uniforms: at first they wore outfits according to 1244:, Antoni Goerne, Mieczysław Harusewicz, Aleksander Heinrich, Jan Jodzewicz, Jan Korolec, Witold Kozłowski, Jerzy Kurcyusz, Wiktor Martini, Wincenty Mianowski, Witold Rościszewski, Tadeusz Salski, Włodzimierz Sylwestrowicz and Tadeusz Todtleben. The underground ONR operated through cells ("fives") aggregated according to territorial (district, provincial groups) and environmental criteria (Youth Territory, Medical, Legal, Workers, Merchants and Craftsmen, and others). The group's legal front was primarily academic associations, registered from 1936 at individual universities: The National Union of Polish Radical Youth in Warsaw, the National-Radical Youth in Poznań, the Union of Independent National Youth in Wilno, as well as the Senior Scout Circle of St. George, and the 955:

The central theoretical organ of the RNR was "Ruch Młodych" (1935-1938), and later "Przełom" (1938-1939), the agitational journal - "Falanga." Outside Warsaw, the Falanga gained some influence in Podlasie, Polesie, Silesia, Kielce, Poznań, Kraków, Lwów, Wilno, Gdynia, Łódz, Częstochowa, Zamość, Łuck, Kalisz and Równe. The movement - due to the conspiratorial conditions of its activities - took the form of a network of regional and field organizations, which included: National-Radical Movement (e.g., Białystok and Podhale), National-Radical Youth Movement Camp (Lwów, Wilno, Podlasie), Polish Falanga Front (Łódz), National Breakthrough Front (Poznań), "Kuźnica" (Silesia), National Labor Organization, Polish Cultural Action Organization.

1102:, Włodzimierz Pietrzak, Marian Reutt, Kazimierz Hałaburda and Władysław Hackiewicz remained, while Wojciech Wasiutyński, Bolesław Świderski, Witold Staniszkis and Stanisław Cimoszyński founded the dissident journal "Wielka Polska" in January 1939. The arrogant statement about the boycott of the elections to the Sejm in 1938 masked the weakness of the organization - wherever it ran in the elections, it was defeated (as in the local elections in Łódź, where it won only 333 votes). The disintegration of local organizations was progressing, which was admitted in the Internal Communique of the Department of Ideological Action, writing that the RNR "is in an exceptionally difficult position". According to W. Wasiutyński: 1514: 1499: 1185: 1528: 1197: 1253:, the theoretical organ remained the "Nowy Ład" monthly. Periodicals were also published: "Alma Mater," "Goniec Warszawski," "Jutro" and the Łowicz "Polska Narodowa" (formerly associated with the SN). Conspiratorial publications included "Sztafeta", "Sztafeta Podlaska", "Bojowiec", "Miecz Wielkopolski" and "O.N.R.-owiec." Krzysztof Kawęcki notes that ONR "ABC" developed mainly in Warsaw and Poznań. Marek Windyga went so far as to say that "the history of the ONR in Warsaw, is to a large extent the history of the entire ONR." However, the activities of the 650: 893:. Positive opinions about fascism and Nazism were formulated in both branches of the national radical movement. In the pages of "Jutro" it was written: "Hitler with his bold and consistent work tore them out of chaos and pushed them towards a better future. No other person of the present era has aroused so much faith, devotion and enthusiasm in his nation". The journalists from "Jutro" were echoed by the journalists from "Falanga": "It is beyond doubt that National Socialism reborn Germany, that it healed its social, economic and political life." 789:", because it should be remembered that in the 1920s the term "radicalism" was used to describe the non-Marxist left. Jan Jodzewicz said at the All-Polish Youth congress in 1929 that the enemy were "radicals of all shades and camps". Five years later, "Szczerbiec" publicists fully annexed this concept, writing that "radicalism without anti-Semitism is no radicalism". National radicalism was therefore supposed to be a response to the enemy's challenge by partially adopting its slogans and methods - a kind of national equivalent of the left. 1484: 1289:

the impoverishment of national-radical ideology - it was limited to vague slogans of "the good of the Polish Nation," "Christian ethics" and "social justice." The project failed (in October 1938, the Confederation was dissolved by the authorities due to de facto abandonment of its activities), as did the attempt made the following year to legalize the National-Radical Party. Representatives of the (editors of the magazines "Nowy Ład," "ABC," "Jutro") participated only in a loose agreement of young-national, national-

602: 523: 1042: 11508: 534: 38: 639: 2632: 997: 1222: 1016: 158: 598:. The conflict intensified in the winter of 1933/1934. In the first quarter of 1934, police sources had already noted the existence of a "national-radical movement of the "Young" within the Party". In March, the SN authorities deprived Mosdorf of the leadership of the Youth Section and banned the publication of "Sztafeta". The "young" responded by establishing the ONR on 14 April 1934. 549:, an ultra-nationalist movement that had arisen in the 1920s. The emergence of the National Radical Camp was part of broader movement of the Polish right toward radicalization in the 1930s. Its basis was the generational difference of the "young" within the nationalist camp. The writings of the national-radicalism cultivated the cult of youth, writing for example: 1076:, impressed by the organisation of the RNR "Falanga", placed Piasecki in charge of the OZN youth group. Koc called for the creation of a one-party state and hoped to use the youth movement to ensure this, although his pronouncements upset many pro-government moderates. As such, Koc was removed from the leadership of the OZN in 1938 and replaced by General 1357:

The paths of the and the Sanation, however, diverged. While at the beginning of November 1937 the publicists of "O.N.R.-owiec" believed that the Koc faction was gravitating toward nationalism, just two weeks later they condemned Koc (as a "party man"), the ZMP ("a symbol of perfidious gamesmanship")

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made agreement with this ideologically closest camp impossible. Although the considered itself the heir to the national-democratic heritage, it did not intend to be its slave. Merciless criticism was levied against the "managers of the old political parties," hindering the unification of the nation,

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In an attempt to resolve the impasse in 1937, the ONR "ABC" initiated the formation of the Polish Confederation - a movement with a vague program and a loose structure (the only body was to be the Citizens' Court). The program of the Confederation, open to all national-Catholic elements, testified to

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The leading Falanga activists - in addition to B. Piasecki - were Stanisław Cimoszyński, Zygmunt Dziarmaga, Wojciech Kwasieborski, Tadeusz Lipkowski, Adolf J. Reutt, Marian Reutt, Witold Rościszewski, Witold Staniszkis, Olgierd Szpakowski, Bolesław Świderski, Andrzej Świetlicki, Wojciech Wasiutyński.

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and a national planned economy. Ideological differences were already evident before the establishment of the ONR, at the beginning of 1934, then they intensified (extremists wanted armed struggle and radicalization of the social program), to explode with full force after B. Piasecki was released from

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was discredited by his passive attitude (hiding during arrests). Isolated in the national-radical movement, he became closer to Catholic-social groups. Some of the ONR-ists began to conspire as the Camp of National Revolution, but many joined the Union of Young Nationalists (ZMN) or the Youth Section

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environmental organizations: "Crew" (workers'), Union of People's Activists. ("Zydel"), Union of Polish Advocates, Union of Reconstruction of Law, Youth of Great Poland, Wiara i Wola (women's); 1942-44 members of the Executive Committee of OP, as representatives of ONR, were members of the Presidium

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in order to create a "broad national consensus," while on the other hand, negotiations were held with the authorities. Rossman was said to have already sought contact with the Sanation during his stay in Bereza; talks with representatives of the ruling camp began in the fall of 1936 and continued in

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and Jerzy Kurcyusz in the course of the struggle for leadership. Within the organization, there were ongoing discussions on tactics between supporters of the long-term "march through institutions" (i.e., infiltration of the state apparatus and major political forces) and enthusiasts of the "national

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to work out a common position - mainly making personal accusations (incompetence, passivity), they decided to demand that Dmowski remove Tadeusz Bielecki and Aleksander Dębski. Only when their conversation with Dmowski ended in failure was the decision to secede made. According to Jerzy Drobnik, who

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in the eyes of many supporters. Finally, Piasecki's egocentrism turned out to be a significant factor. Although this may seem excessive psychologizing, it shows the incompatibility of the idea of leadership with Polish conditions: the "soldiers of the Breakthrough" rebelled against being reduced to

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designs, with the difference that they wore green armbands with a white image of a simplified hand with a sword on the left forearm. In time, however, the sand-colored shirts were replaced by green ones to symbolize self-reliance, a radicalization of attitudes and a desire to put into practice the

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wanted to maintain independence and conduct underground activities. Mosdorf did not manage to push through his project. However, the National Radical Publishing Committee of the Young was established (Witold Staniszkis, Jan Rembieliński, Jan Mosdorf). The Committee published brochures popularizing

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Political Discussion Club and the H. Rossman Discussion Club, which were created in 1939 in Warsaw. The ONR gained great influence in the Warsaw and Poznań academic corporations and the Union for the Advancement of Polish Property (the so-called Polish Union), bringing together merchant and craft

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The criticism coming from the "young" initially concerned tactical and psychological issues – the "old" were accused of "complete indolence, inability to act". The mechanism of secession was set in motion only by the frustration caused by the lack of reaction of the movement's leadership to the

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An ABC editorial in November 1936 reproached the National Democratic Party's leadership that "While the leaders of the young-nationalist movement were in Bereza, it was the older men who were enjoying blissful peace in their retreats at home," and announced: "we have no intention whatsoever of

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the unprogrammability of National Democracy and its tactics of sterile opposition, and finally the identification of the nation with the National Party. It was believed that the Party's pursuit of a "monopoly on nationalism" was leading to divisions in the national camp, a situation in which

879:

While Krystyna Rogaczewska sees in national radicalism "obvious connections with national socialism", Jan Józef Lipski had to admit that "Unconditional apology for Hitlerism is almost non-existent". It is easy to find examples of both criticism and enthusiasm for fascism in national-radical

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were also noted in Pomerania, Silesia, Podlasie (Lomza, Siedlce), Kraków, Wilno, Łódz, Czestochowa, Lowicz, Plock, Lublin, Łuck and Równe - these centers were represented at the ONR "ABC" congress in Lwów in late January 1937. The ONR "ABC"'s numbers were not large In Warsaw, the number of

800:

legacy. National radicals were fascinated by the legend of the Legions’ deeds, which they camouflaged under the slogans of cooperation with the army. This was clearly done in the RNR. Włodzimierz Sznarbachowski recalled that Bolesław Piasecki was greatly influenced by his acquaintance with

867:

When looking for sources of inspiration for national radicalism, foreign fascist movements cannot be ignored. At that time, national radicals were generally perceived as the Polish version of fascism. This was not only the opinion of their left-wing opponents. Jan Rembieliński wrote that

1052:

The group soon came under scrutiny from the Polish government. Indeed, unlike similar movements in other European countries that regularly held public rallies, the RNR "Falanga" held only two such gatherings, in 1934 and 1937, both of which were quickly broken up by the police.

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The organization weakened from the summer of 1938. There were several reasons. The growing threat from the Third Reich resulted in an increasingly widespread distancing from the Nazi models with which Falanga was associated. A severe blow was the break with the

1370:

crises. In 1938, the leaders of the group (Alexander Heinrich, Jan Jodzewicz and Jerzy Kurcyusz) went on a visit to Marshal Śmigły-Rydz. In June of the following year, J. Jodzewicz made an offer to cooperate with the government without any preconditions.

973:. However, although clearly derived from Falangism, it has been argued that their Catholicism was even more central than that of the Spanish group and indeed their pronouncement that "God is the highest form of man" recalled the religious fanaticism of 1438:

The lowest level "S" (section), then "C" (Czarniecki), "Z" (Zakon Narodowy) were led by the Executive Committee (chairman W. Martini); the highest authority of the OP was the three-person level "A" (Political Committee) with undisclosed composition.

1355:"we declare that in the crackdown on the factors of the so-called folxfront, you can count on our full cooperation within the limits of our technical and propaganda capabilities, and regardless of the tactical attitude of other national groupings." 1388:), who received 457 votes; in Wielkopolska, ONR won 2 seats. In total, the ONR lists won 1.2% votes. also gained unofficial parliamentary representation – MP Franciszek Stoch. However, from March 1939 the ONR "ABC" noted a decline in activity. 1249:

circles to fight Jewish competition. What failed, however, was an attempt to win over the workers' community, conducted through the Workers National-Radical Union. While the daily ABC was, from the fall of 1936, the main propaganda tube of the

712:. The split finally took place at the beginning of 1935, it was revealed on 25 April, and on 29 June of that year in Kąty the founding congress of the faction, called Falanga or - from the initials of the leader - Bepists took place. 562:"It was not Dmowski who pushed the youth towards fascism, he rather resisted their fascist tendencies. The split in the nationalist movement in 1934 occurred precisely because Dmowski did not agree to the fascist program of the young" 1396:

The Polish Organization (OP) was a secret internal organization of the National-Radical Camp, established April 1934; it consisted of several levels of initiation arranged hierarchically, starting with the lowest, were as follows:

690:

The ABC was more stable in its beliefs and methods, small and quiet. More mature people united here . The “Falanga” had a younger, explosive, often anarchist element. each of its members was armed with brass knuckles and two

888:

and other related movements, looking at them with jealous admiration. The fascination was visible in adopting external forms: uniforms, greetings, stylized symbolism. Kajetan H. Stolarski wrote in the poem March of the Young:

815:"Enriched and deepened the content of Polish nationalism, associating the political thought of the author of "Polish Policy" with the values of the soldier's psyche, developed on the battlefields of Józef Piłsudski's Legions" 702:

supporters believed in the principle of leadership. Already in 1933, at the "Akademik Polski" (Polish Academic) an Ideological Committee was established - on the initiative of B. Piasecki - which developed the ideas of the

1379:

ONR "ABC" did not boycott the local elections in 1938-1939. In Warsaw, the group started as the National Radical Committee for the De-Jewishization of Warsaw, winning 8.5% of the votes and 5 seats (against 8 seats for the

579:

that "while maintaining a common confidential organization, we should establish a second party with a radical program". In July 1933 during the training camp of the "young" in Błota Karwieńskie, a split occurred: while

838:"The National Radical Movement departed from the Party, which was led by Roman Dmowski. But the National Radical Movement based its ideology on the foundations of thought that Roman Dmowski gave to the new generation" 1447:

The dualistic structure - a strictly conspiratorial, hierarchical Polish Organization and overt activities (editorials of magazines, such as "ABC", participation in legal associations) - proved useful after the

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and the OZN ("attempts to save Sanation"). After OZN's break with the Falanga, the again revived the idea of compromise with sanation, as documented by a series of gestures, such as the conciliatory leaflet

1274:

was weakened by their vacillating attitude during the blockade of the university in November 1936. Another blow to the movement was the death of Henryk Rossmann in February 1937, followed by the departure of

850:"The strongest memory for the National Democrats is the fight against the Sanation, for the Sanation - the fight against the Endecja. In this fight, both of these groups find the meaning of their existence". 5961: 1315:

failed. Both the "venom of senile hatred" of the SN and the "chad of youthful megalomania" of the Falangists were subjected to symmetrical criticism; the National-State faction (ZMN) was equally negative.

781:

The secessionists developed their own, clearly distinct ideology called "national radicalism". "National radicalism" is not the same as radical nationalism. This term was constructed on the model of "

667:

authorities a pretext to deal with national radicals – after a wave of arrests, the camp was officially banned on July 10, 1934. Repressions led to a crisis of the organization. The previous leader

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and although it had few members, from its power bases in schools it attempted to launch attacks on Jewish students and businesses. Left-wing activists were also as part of this violent activity.

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commerce on May 18, 1937, but did not achieve any success. At that time - the concession to organize the ZMP was obtained by the Falanga. Still in the autumn of 1937, Tadeusz Gluziński handed

1464:. During conspiration the composition of the OP was reconstructed; successive chairmen of the Executive Committee: S. Nowicki, T. Salski; chairmen of the Political Committee: W. Brodowski, 921: 813:

began to transform into a postulate of a synthesis of “Polish political thought” (national-democratic) and “soldierly” (Piłsudski’s). In 1939, a journalist from "Przełom" wrote that RNR

589:

the program of the "young". Its propaganda platform was also "Sztafeta" - published since October 1933. In the autumn of 1933, representatives of the "young" from Warsaw and Lwów met at

1452:. The leadership of the OP quite quickly worked out a plan for political and military work in the underground. The most important was the decision made on October 14, 1939 to form the 792:

The ONR did not, however, seek models in the socialist movement, or even less so in the communist movement – on the contrary, it was characterised by uncompromising hostility towards

9447: 2213:

Rafał Dobrowolski, Wojciech Jerzy Muszyński. Z dziejów obozu narodowego. "Szczerbiec Chrobrego i symbolika polskiego ruchu narodowego w latach 1926–1939". Glaukopis 23-24. p.114-115

1456:, headed by Władysław Marcinkowski "Jaxa". Efforts were made to recruit officers who had been reluctant to join the Sanation before 1939. Political and command authority over the 556:"The National Radical Camp was founded as a rebellion against the "fools". Young people yearned for a strong, charismatic leader . Dmowski certainly did not have such charisma". 2075:

W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści

1935:

W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści

683:“the years of age difference also meant a different social status. We, often twenty years younger, did not want compromises. We wanted to move forward unfettered by anything” 7670: 904:

and called for the construction of a "national state," based on the principles of hierarchy, one-person leadership, and elimination of national minorities from public life.

832:

The need to revise the approach to their own tradition was pointed out. The national radicals stressed that they were the rightful successors of the national camp, because

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści

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