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non-intervention; although they judged it effective, some 42 ships were estimated to have escaped inspection between April and the end of July. The air route had not been covered. The
Nationalists' debt to Germany reached 150 million Reichsmark. On 9 July, the Dutch ambassador suggested for Britain to draft a compromise. Lord Plymouth called the 'compromise plan for the control of non-intervention'. Naval patrols would be replaced by observers in ports and ships, and land control measures would be resumed. Belligerent rights would not be granted until substantial progress was made on volunteer withdrawal. The French were furious and considered that Britain was moving towards Germany and Italy. Grandi demanded the discussion of belligerent rights before volunteer rights; Maisky insisted for volunteers to be discussed first.
587:
was put at £898,000; Britain, France, Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union would each pay 16%; the other 20% would be met by the other 22 countries. Zones of patrol were assigned to each of the four states; an
International Board was set up to administer the scheme. The setting up of the scheme took until April. For the Republicans, that seemed like adding insult to injury since the wholesale transfer of arms to the Nationalists would now be policed by the very countries supplying them. Despite accusations that 60,000 Italians were now in Spain and Grandi's announcement that he hoped that no Italian volunteer would leave until the war was over, the German delegation appears to have hoped the control plan was effective. There were Italian assurances that Italy would not break up non-intervention.
27:
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once again with a plan to recognise the
Nationalists as belligerents once significant progress had been made was finally accepted, which was caused partly by Eden's patience. The Nationalists accepted on 20 November and the Republicans on 1 December. The former suggested 3,000 would be a reasonable number, which was really the number of sick and unreliable Italians whom Franco wished to withdraw. That was countered by British suggestions that 15,000 or 20,000 might be enough. The talks were subsumed by bilateral Anglo-Italian discussions. In trying to protect non-intervention in the Anglo-Italian meetings, which he grudgingly did, Eden would end up resigning from his post in the
579:
164:. The German position was that such a declaration was not needed, but discussions could be held on preventing the spread of the war to the rest of Europe if the Soviet Union was present. It was mentioned at the meeting of the French with Neurath that both countries were already supplying the parties in the war, France the Republicans and Germany the Nationalists. A similar approach was made by the French to the Soviet Union. On 6 August, Ciano confirmed Italian support in principle. Despite a
36:
345:. Scott Ramsay instead argues that Britain demonstrated a "benevolent neutrality" and was simply hedging its bets, avoiding favouring one side or the other. Its goal was that in a future European war, Britain would enjoy the 'benevolent neutrality' of whichever side won in Spain. The British government was also concerned about the far right and ultimately concluded that no desirable basis of government was possible in Spain because of the present situation.
534:, the British and French representatives respectively, who appealed to the League to endorse the mediation plan. The League condemned intervention, urged its council's members to support non-intervention and commended mediation. It then closed discussion on Spain, leaving it to the committee. The mediation plan, however, was soon dropped. Britain and France continued to consider and to put forward plans to prevent foreign volunteers outside the committee.
488:, as the British wanted, or to fail to do, as the French wanted. On 18 November, that was subsumed by the news that the Italian and the German governments had recognised the Nationalists as the true government of Spain. A British bill preventing exports of arms to Spain by British ships from anywhere was signed. Yvon Delbos requested mediation; at the same time, the Republic appealed to the
496:, who was also approached, ruled out U.S. interference with the words ' no expectation that the United States would ever again send troops or warships or floods of munitions and money to Europe'. On 4 December, France and Britain approached Italy, Germany, Russia and Portugal to request mediation. An armistice would be called, a commission sent to Spain and, after a
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424:, the British prime minister, and Blum both attempted to halt global exports to Spain and believed it in Europe's best interests. Soviet aid to the Republic was threatened in the committee. It began once it was clear the Non-Intervention Agreement was not preventing Italian and German aid to the Nationalists.
712:
favourable
Chamberlain government in the United Kingdom and so were seen to accept the plan. With much bemoaning, the Republicans also accepted the plan. The Nationalists demanded belligerent rights and then withdrawals of 10,000 from each side, which amounted to a rejection of the plan. Following the
641:
could be used by both the
Republicans and Nationalists to replace naval patrols. The French considered abandoning border controls or perhaps leaving non-intervention. However, the French were reliant on the British, who wished to continue with patrols. Britain and France thus continued to labour over
703:
requested for the League of
Nations' Political Committee to examine Spain and demanded an end to non-intervention. Eden claimed that non-intervention had stopped a European war. The League reported on the Spanish situation by noting the 'failure of non-intervention'. On 6 November, the Committee met
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was signed into law on 24 February by the Irish and provided penalties for exporters of war material and for service in the military forces of a belligerent, and it restricted travel to Spain. Soviet war aid continued to reach Spain through the
Mediterranean. However, Britain, France, Germany, Italy
462:
spoke out against the Non-Intervention
Agreement and claimed that it put the rebel Nationalists on the same footing as the Republican government and that as the official government, the Republic had the right to buy arms. On 28 September, Portugal was represented on the committee for the first time,
206:
if
Germany invaded. On 9 August, exports were duly suspended. However, collections for food, clothing and medical supplies to the Spanish Republicans continued. On 9 August, the Germans falsely informed the British that 'no war materials had been sent from Germany and none will'. During the blockade
659:
as a top priority. Eden confided he wished Franco to win and so
Italian and Germany involvement would be scaled back; Chamberlain considered Spain a troublesome complication to be forgotten. By the end of July 1937, the committee was in deadlock, and the aims of a successful outcome to the Spanish
650:
In 1937, all powers were prepared to give up on non-intervention. Ciano complained to his government that Italian forces in Italy were ready but not being used; the Soviet Union was not prepared to discuss belligerent rights; Delbos was considering proposing mediation by Roosevelt and the Pope and
586:
Observers were posted to Spanish ports and borders, and both Ribbentrop and Grandi were told to agree to the plan, significant shipments already having taken place. Portugal would not accept observers although it agreed to personnel attached to the British embassy in Lisbon. The cost of the scheme
483:
On 12 November 1936, significant changes were put in place to the functioning of the committee with the ratification of plans to post observers to Spanish frontiers and ports to prevent breaches of the agreement. That had been delayed by Italian and German demands for air transport to be included,
411:
as deputy) but left the running to Grandi although they found working with him difficult. Portugal, whose presence had been a Soviet requirement, was not represented. There was little hope in the Committee since the British and French would have been aware of the continued shipment of arms to the
711:
On 27 June 1938, Maisky agreed to send of two commissions to Spain, enumerate foreign volunteer forces and bring about their withdrawal. That was estimated to cost £1,750,000 to £2,250,000, which was borne by member countries of the committee. The Nationalists wished to prevent the fall of the
333:
It was then that the Non-Intervention Committee was created to uphold the agreement, but the double-dealing of the Soviets and the Germans had already become apparent. The agreement also removed the need for a declaration of neutrality, which would have granted the Nationalists and Republicans
626:
and showed approval of humanitarian work. Germany and Italy said that they would withdraw from the committee, and the patrols unless it could be guaranteed that there would be no further attacks. Early June saw the return of Germany and Italy to the committee and patrols. Italian reticence of
309:
The Soviet Union was keen not to be left out. On 23 August 1936, it agreed to the Non-Intervention Agreement, which was followed by a decree from Stalin banning exports of war material to Spain, thereby bringing the Soviets into line with the Western powers. Soviet foreign policy considered
636:
Discussions on patrols remained complicated. Britain and France offered to replace Germany and Italy in patrols of their sections, but the last two believed that the patrols would be too partial. Germany and Italy requested land controls to be kept and belligerent rights to be given to the
525:
On 10 December 1936, Álvarez put the Republic's case to the League of Nations, further demanding that the League condemn the Italian and German decision to recognise the Nationalists. He pointed to the risk of the Spanish war spreading and suggested that the Non-Intervention Committee was
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believed that a significant control effort was the best solution of four that were put forward in response to attacks on British shipping. On 27 August, the Committee decided that naval patrols did not justify their expense and would be replaced, as planned, with observers at ports.
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Involved were Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway, Poland, Romania, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. (Thomas (1961). p.
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authored the German declaration. On 10 January, a further request that volunteering be made a crime was made by Britain and France to Germany. There continued to be uneasiness about the scale, limitations and outcomes of German intervention in Spain. On 20 January, Italy put a
219:
was captured when it came down in Republican territory, which was explained as 'merely a transport aircraft'. Its release would be required before Germany signed the Non-Intervention Pact. Portugal accepted the pact on 13 August unless its border was threatened by the war.
564:
on volunteers, and on 25 January Germany and Italy agreed to support limitations to prevent volunteers, believing that supplies to the Nationalists were now sufficient. In that meeting, both the Germans and Italian spoke as if their men in Spain were genuine volunteers.
302:, to be included. Italy similarly agreed and signed on 21 August after a determined diplomatic offensive by Britain and France. The surprising reversal of views has been put down to the growing belief that countries could not abide by the agreement anyway. Admiral
708:. On 17 March 1938, France reopened the border to arms traffic to the now-weakened Republic. Between mid-April and mid-June, 21 British seamen were killed by attacks on British shipping in Spanish waters as well as several Non-Intervention Committee observers.
445:
to deal with the day-to-day running of non-intervention. Among them, however, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Italy dominated, perhaps worryingly so. Soviet non-military aid was revived but not military aid. Meanwhile, the 1936 meeting of the
116:. The subject of foreign volunteers was also much discussed, with little result. Although agreements were signed late in the war, they were made outside the committee. Efforts to stem the flow of war materials to Spain were largely unsuccessful, with
570:
and Russia continued to believe a European war was not in their best interests; non-intervention, however, would have left both sides with the possibility of defeat, which Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union, in particular, were keen to avoid.
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soon became the first state to support the Republicans openly. On 15 August, the United Kingdom banned exports of war material to Spain. Neurath also agreed to the pact and suggested for volunteers, many of whom would eventually form the
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was arranged in September 1937 for all parties with a Mediterranean coastline by the British despite appeals by Italy and Germany for the committee to handle the piracy and other issues the conference was to discuss. It decided that
545:
passed a resolution banning the export of arms to Spain Those opposed the bill, including American socialists, communists and many liberals, suggested that the export of arms to Germany and Italy should be halted also under the
484:
which was perhaps a delaying tactic because of the impossibility to doing so effectively. Russian military aid now being transported to Spain were noticed. France and Britain split on whether to recognise Franco's forces as a
242:
used their block votes to pass motions supporting non-intervention at the TUC Congress in September 1936, making non-intervention a TUC policy. Like Labour, between October 1936 and June 1937 and under pressure from the
554:
continued to doubt the extent of German and Italian operations, despite evidence to the contrary. The Soviets met the request to ban volunteers on 27 December, Portugal on 5 January, and Germany and Italy on 7 January.
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Ramsay, Scott. "Ideological Foundations of British Non-Intervention in the Spanish Civil War: Foreign Office Perceptions of Political Polarisation in Spain, 1931-1936." Diplomacy & Statecraft 31, no. 1 (2020):
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operations in Spain, however, was dropped. By contrast, it continued to be a crime in Germany to mention German operations. Following attacks, attributed to Republicans by Germany but denied, on the German cruiser
120:
proving instrumental to its outcome. Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union consistently broke the Non-Intervention Agreement, and France occasionally did so. Britain remained largely faithful to the agreement.
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control over neutrals in the areas they controlled, and had little legal standing. In the United Kingdom, part of the reasoning was based on an exaggerated belief in German and Italian preparedness for war.
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once again confirmed Soviet support, based on the suggestion it would avoid war. However, the Soviet government remained hostile to the idea and supported Álvarez's view that non-intervention was illegal.
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On 7 August 1936, France unilaterally declared non-intervention. Draft declarations had been put to the German and Italian governments. Such a declaration had already been accepted by the United Kingdom,
441:
The second meeting took place on 14 September 1936. It established a subcommittee to be attended by representatives of Belgium, Britain, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Italy, the Soviet Union and
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on 15 and 18 June, Germany and Italy once again withdrew from patrols but not the committee. That prompted the Portuguese government to remove British observers on the Spanish-Portuguese border.
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four months later. Non-intervention and the Non-Intervention Agreement were proposed in a joint diplomatic initiative by the governments of France and the United Kingdom. Part of the policy of
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It would have been better to call this the Intervention Committee, for the whole activity of its members consisted in explaining or concealing the participation of their countries in Spain
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had already been sent by Soviet workers to Spain, the Soviet government similarly agreed in principle if Portugal was included and Germany and Italy stopped aid immediately.
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urged the German government to back the Nationalists more completely and then bring Europe to the brink of war or to abandon the Nationalists. On the 24th, Germany signed.
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against German fascism a priority, and the Comintern had agreed a similar approach in 1934. It walked a thin line between pleasing France and not being seen to hinder the
266:, the French prime minister, feared that openly supporting for the Republic would lead to civil war and a fascist takeover in France and ultimately to no change in Spain.
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It is not so much a case of taking actual steps immediately, as of pacifying the aroused feelings of the Leftist parties... by the very establishment of such a Committee.
330:. Soviet press and opposition groups were entirely against non-intervention, and Soviet actions could hardly have been further from the goal of spreading the revolution.
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was strongly for it, the left in France wanted direct aid to the Republicans. The Labour Party would reject non-intervention in October 1937. The British
724:, thereby showing his contempt for the committee. Similarly, Italians would leave Spain under the Anglo-Italian agreement, not through the committee.
527:
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716:, which was judged by Chamberlain to have been a success, Britain would host similar mediation in Spain. Negrín would propose the removal of the
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Scott Ramsay. "Ensuring Benevolent Neutrality: The British Government's Appeasement of General Franco during the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939".
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Map showing the control zones of the four countries (red – the United Kingdom; blue – France; green – Italy; grey – Germany) on establishment.
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criticised the way it had been agreed, calling it 'a gross betrayal... two and a half years of hypocritical pretence of non-intervention'.
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The Committee first met in London on 9 September 1936 and was attended by representatives of solely European countries and did not include
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A report, Commission of Inquiry into Alleged Breaches of the Non-Intervention Agreement in Spain, was drawn up in London, sponsored by the
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289:; the response was negative. The United States also confirmed it would not take part in several mediation attempts, including one by the
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promised to study it. The British, however, immediately accepted the plan in principle. The following day, the plan was put to
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Nationalists from Italy and Germany. Britain protested twice to the Italians, once in response to Italian aircraft landing in
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to avoid any potential escalation or possible expansion of the war to other states. That would result in the signing of the
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Stone, Glyn (1997). "Sir Robert Vansittart and Spain, 1931–1941". In Otte, Thomas G.; Pagedas, Constantine A. (eds.).
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and attack any suspicious submarines. Warships that attacked neutral shipping would be attacked. On 18 September,
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broke in the United Kingdom on 3 December and occupied the minds of the British public. (Thomas (1961). p. 335.)
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Civil War was looking unlikely for the Republic. Unrestricted Italian submarine warfare began on 12 August. The
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A plan to control materials coming into the country was put forward in early 1937, effectively subjecting the
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112:. The plan was mocked by German and Italian observers as amounting to decisive and immediate support for the
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508:, at least 5,000, was now clear, but Italy and Germany were opposed to isolated discussion of the matter.
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made it known that it would follow a policy of non-intervention but did not announce it officially. Its
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The outcome of the Spanish war was settled in London, Paris, Rome, Berlin – at any rate not in Spain.
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The ostensible purpose of the Non-Intervention Committee (1936–1939) was to prevent personnel and
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and headed by respectable figures. Both the British and the French governments were aware of the
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by the British to halt French exports to Spain, or Britain would not be obliged to act under the
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reaching the warring parties of the Spanish Civil War, as with the Non-Intervention Agreement.
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152:, the French ambassador to Italy, presented the French government's non-intervention plan, and
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The Nuremberg Trial: A History of Nazi Germany as Revealed Through the Testimony at Nuremberg
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Alpert (1998) p. 65 notes that rank-and-file members of the Labour Party may have opposed it.
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and the Soviet Union, which renounced all traffic in war material, direct or indirect. The
622:. It iterated calls for the withdrawal of volunteers from Spain, condemned the bombing of
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There was popular support in both countries for the plan, but in the United Kingdom, the
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on the Spanish war would later be identified as disastrous by Under-Secretary of State
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Many historians argue that the British policy of non-intervention was a product of
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from the outset of the Spanish Civil War. The Soviet Union began supporting the
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Britain and France recognised the Nationalist government on 27 February 1939.
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simultaneously preparing French war plans; and Britain's new prime minister,
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enquired whether the government would allow the sale of eight bombers to the
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2246:"Trabajadores: The Spanish Civil War through the eyes of organised labour"
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In May 1937, the Committee noted two attacks on the patrol's ships in the
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began, beset with not only the Spanish problem but also the review of the
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convinced Monteiro to have Portugal join the Non-Intervention Committee.
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Peter Gretton (January 1975). "The Nyon Conference - The Naval Aspect".
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ideals. It was also the time of the first significant trials of the
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Two influential figures in non-intervention: British Prime Minister
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Irish Statute Book: Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Act, 1937
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Personalities, war and diplomacy: essays in international history
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since foreign intervention constituted a state of war in Spain.
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S. A. H (7 August 1937). "Spain: the British Compromise Plan".
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720:, most of whom were now Spaniards, at the last meeting of the
500:, a government featuring those uninvolved in the war (such as
2175:(3). London: Royal Institute of International Affairs: 3–13.
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replaced Morrison as British representative. A member of the
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prohibited even intergovernmental action. It was chaired by
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On 6 January 1937, the first opportunity after the winter
251:, Citrine, Bevin and the TUC repudiated non-intervention.
94:. Ultimately, the committee had the support of 27 states.
74:, which first met in September. Primarily arranged by the
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Foreign policy to deter interference in Spanish Civil War
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The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, revolution and revenge
1065:"The Trades Union Congress and the Spanish Civil War"
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A New International History of the Spanish Civil War
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represented the Soviets. Germany was represented by
262:. France was reliant on British support in general.
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British Trade Union Posters: An Illustrated History
504:) would be established. The considerable number of
391:. The meeting was concerned mostly with procedure.
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567:The Spanish Civil War (Non-Intervention) Act, 1937
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2204:(354). London: Oxford University Press: 103–112.
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2654:International reactions to the Spanish Civil War
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145:from escalating into a European-wide conflict.
2085:Heydecker, Joe Julius; Leeb, Johannes (1975).
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620:German retaliation against the city of Almeria
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1229:https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2018.1428211
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82:governments, the committee also included the
2254:Modern Records Centre, University of Warwick
2155:(1 ed.). London: Eyre and Spottiswoode.
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2109:(1953). "Looking Back on the Spanish War".
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2049:(1 ed.). Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
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526:ineffective. That charge was denied by
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2020:
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858:The Spanish Republic at War 1936-1939
409:Otto Christian Archibald von Bismarck
362:Otto Christian Archibald von Bismarck
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598:aircraft, the first on the Italian
389:Financial Secretary to the Treasury
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14:
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2021:Alpert, Michael (29 March 1998).
234:(TUC) was split, but the leaders
48:(left) and French Prime Minister
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862:. Cambridge University Press.
844:
815:
646:Conference of Nyon and onwards
1:
2241:Spartacus Educational summary
2198:The English Historical Review
1842:The English Historical Review
1830:The English Historical Review
801:U.S. House of Representatives
734:
399:represented the Italians and
1227:41:3 (2019): 604–623. DOI:
1225:International History Review
809:
596:Spanish Republican Air Force
287:Spanish Republican Air Force
7:
1627:Thomas (1961). pp. 439–440.
947:Thomas (1961). pp. 257–258.
618:. The latter resulting in
170:claim that 12,145,000
114:Spanish Nationalist faction
10:
2680:
2064:Blinkhorn, Martin (1988).
2009:
885:La Soledad de la República
803:. (Thomas (1961). p. 338.)
349:Non-Intervention Committee
125:Non-Intervention Agreement
72:Non-Intervention Committee
68:Non-Intervention Agreement
2591:Government during the war
2556:
2456:
2419:
2345:
2338:
2297:
1862:Thomas (1961). pp. 475–6.
1594:Thomas (1961). pp. 395–6.
1549:Thomas (1961). pp. 342–3.
1540:Thomas (1961). pp. 341–2.
1445:Thomas (1961). pp. 335–5.
1427:Thomas (1961). pp. 334–5.
1346:Thomas (1961). pp. 283–4.
1289:Thomas (1961). pp. 278–9.
1202:Thomas (1961). pp. 263–4.
980:Alpert (1998). pp. 45–46.
2070:. Taylor & Francis.
1853:Blinkhorn (1988). p. 48.
1803:(1937). pp. 11–12.
739:
506:German soldiers in Spain
395:represented the French,
2659:Germany–Spain relations
2339:Political organizations
1770:(1937). pp. 9–10.
1367:Preston (2006). p. 159.
1298:Preston (2006). p. 150.
1193:Preston (2006). p. 136.
1119:Preston (2006). p. 144.
1041:Preston (2006). p. 143.
283:Glenn L. Martin Company
281:. Five days later, the
213:Spanish Republican Navy
103:international isolation
2574:Evacuation of children
2471:International Brigades
2122:Preston, Paul (2006).
2027:. Palgrave Macmillan.
2003:Thomas (1961). p. 584.
1994:Thomas (1961). p. 583.
1985:Thomas (1961). p. 561.
1976:Thomas (1961). p. 557.
1967:Thomas (1961). p. 555.
1958:Thomas (1961). p. 552.
1949:Thomas (1961). p. 542.
1940:Thomas (1961). p. 541.
1931:Thomas (1961). p. 538.
1922:Thomas (1961). p. 523.
1913:Thomas (1961). p. 514.
1901:Thomas (1961). p. 503.
1892:Thomas (1961). p. 502.
1883:Thomas (1961). p. 477.
1871:Thomas (1961). p. 476.
1817:Thomas (1961). p. 467.
1779:Thomas (1961). p. 464.
1755:Thomas (1961). p. 463.
1731:Thomas (1961). p. 459.
1722:Thomas (1961). p. 458.
1674:(1937). pp. 4–5.
1662:Thomas (1961). p. 457.
1648:Thomas (1961). p. 456.
1636:Thomas (1961). p. 441.
1603:Thomas (1961). p. 396.
1585:Alpert (1998). p. 115.
1573:Thomas (1961). p. 394.
1561:Thomas (1961). p. 395.
1520:Thomas (1961). p. 341.
1511:Alpert (1998). p. 104.
1502:Thomas (1961). p. 340.
1490:Thomas (1961). p. 339.
1481:Thomas (1961). p. 338.
1472:Alpert (1998). p. 105.
1463:Thomas (1961). p. 336.
1436:Orwell (1953). p. 169.
1418:Thomas (1961). p. 334.
1406:Thomas (1961). p. 333.
1397:Thomas (1961). p. 332.
1385:Thomas (1961). p. 331.
1376:Thomas (1961). p. 285.
1355:Thomas (1961). p. 284.
1337:Thomas (1961). p. 283.
1325:Thomas (1961). p. 281.
1316:Beevor (2006). p. 385.
1271:Thomas (1961). p. 277.
1262:Beevor (2006). p. 378.
1253:Thomas (1961). p. 278.
1160:Thomas (1961). p. 261.
1146:Preston (2004) p. 145.
1137:Thomas (1961). p. 260.
1020:Thomas (1961). p. 279.
994:Thomas (1961). p. 259.
971:Thomas (1961). p. 258.
938:Thomas (1961). p. 257.
915:Beevor (2006). p. 374.
718:International Brigades
680:
637:Nationalists, so that
583:
548:Neutrality Act of 1935
523:
439:
434:Joachim von Ribbentrop
366:
300:International Brigades
269:On 5 August 1936, the
158:Konstantin von Neurath
2250:Trades Union Congress
2153:The Spanish Civil War
1280:Alpert (1998). p. 61.
1214:Alpert (1998). p. 59.
1181:Stone (1997). p. 137.
1172:Alpert (1998). p. 51.
1050:Alpert (1998). p. 65.
1029:Alpert (1998). p. 46.
1006:Alpert (1998). p. 44.
959:Alpert (1998). p. 45.
924:Stone (1997). p. 134.
903:Stone (1997). p. 133.
826:The Spanish Civil War
822:Thomas, Hugh (2001).
667:
581:
541:, both houses of the
510:
502:Salvador de Madariaga
426:
354:
232:Trades Union Congress
162:André François-Poncet
2047:The Battle for Spain
1091:Rodney Mace (1999).
891:30 June 2015 at the
799:and 406 to 1 in the
677:on non-intervention.
465:the Earl of Plymouth
131:Spanish Nationalists
2664:Non-interventionism
2569:Concentration camps
2458:Foreign involvement
2232:Jennifer L. Foray,
2091:. Greenwood Press.
653:Neville Chamberlain
312:Collective security
209:Strait of Gibraltar
150:Charles de Chambrun
135:Spanish Republicans
46:Neville Chamberlain
2601:Spanish Revolution
2115:Secker and Warburg
1070:Warwick University
830:. Modern Library.
795:by 81 to 0 in the
684:Conference of Nyon
584:
494:Franklin Roosevelt
469:Conservative Party
379:, whose policy of
194:foreign minister,
148:On 3 August 1936,
2641:
2640:
2452:
2451:
2290:Spanish Civil War
2098:978-0-8371-8131-8
2056:978-0-297-84832-5
2034:978-0-312-21043-4
1097:Sutton Publishing
784:Abdication Crisis
722:League of Nations
662:British Admiralty
448:League of Nations
339:the Establishment
204:Treaty of Locarno
60:Spanish Civil War
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639:rights of search
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460:Álvarez del Vayo
452:Abyssinia Crisis
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385:William Morrison
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99:Spanish Republic
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88:Fascist Italy
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28:
19:
2614:White Terror
2583:
2557:Other topics
2475:
2252:held in the
2233:
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2172:
2168:
2152:
2149:Thomas, Hugh
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1074:. Retrieved
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675:Anthony Eden
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574:Control plan
566:
557:Adolf Hitler
552:Cordell Hull
536:
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456:Anthony Eden
440:
427:
387:, Britain's
374:
367:
355:
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304:Erich Raeder
275:isolationism
268:
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240:Ernest Bevin
228:Labour Party
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92:Nazi Germany
84:Soviet Union
71:
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2596:Moscow gold
2544: [
2491: [
2421:Nationalist
2292:(1936–1939)
797:U.S. Senate
701:Juan Negrín
689:French Navy
615:Deutschland
486:belligerent
401:Ivan Maisky
397:Dino Grandi
377:Switzerland
328:Great Purge
326:during the
200:Yvon Delbos
184:Netherlands
139:appeasement
58:During the
2648:Categories
2609:Red Terror
2444:Alfonsists
2434:Falangists
2347:Republican
2305:Background
2298:Chronology
2113:. London:
1106:0750921587
735:References
693:Royal Navy
624:open towns
609:the second
562:moratorium
498:plebiscite
405:Ribbentrop
381:neutrality
192:Portuguese
101:to severe
2466:Comintern
2325:1938–1939
2210:0013-8266
2181:2044-3986
2141:Routledge
810:Citations
751:See also
320:communist
264:Léon Blum
256:Comintern
225:socialist
143:proxy war
50:Léon Blum
2605:Terrors
2585:Guernica
2529:Viriatos
2524:Portugal
2439:Carlists
2189:25639692
2161:Journals
2151:(1961).
2045:(2006).
889:Archived
854:(2003).
672:—
611:on the
604:Barletta
515:—
431:—
370:matériel
359:—
247:and the
107:de facto
78:and the
52:(right).
2631:sidebar
2541:Belarus
2536:Ireland
2500:Germany
2010:Sources
1076:21 July
630:Leipzig
600:cruiser
414:Majorca
217:Junkers
211:by the
207:of the
180:Belgium
80:British
2626:navbox
2218:567512
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2187:
2179:
2095:
2074:
2053:
2031:
1241:44–64.
1103:
866:
834:
473:Geneva
443:Sweden
407:(with
295:Mexico
182:, the
167:Pravda
105:and a
90:, and
76:French
2621:Women
2579:Films
2548:]
2512:Italy
2495:]
2214:JSTOR
2185:JSTOR
2015:Books
773:277.)
740:Notes
697:Malta
539:break
2488:USSR
2429:CEDA
2385:PSUC
2380:PSOE
2375:POUM
2320:1937
2315:1936
2310:Coup
2206:ISSN
2177:ISSN
2093:ISBN
2072:ISBN
2051:ISBN
2029:ISBN
1101:ISBN
1078:2021
864:ISBN
832:ISBN
782:The
682:The
607:and
530:and
463:and
318:and
238:and
172:Rbls
2517:CTV
2411:PNV
2406:UGT
2401:FAI
2397:CNT
2370:PCE
2360:ERC
594:by
341:'s
245:LSI
2650::
2546:be
2493:ru
2390:UR
2365:IR
2212:.
2202:90
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2183:.
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Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License. Additional terms may apply.
