653:, a near contemporary, wrote his Ecclesiastical History (also dedicated to Theodosius II) in the 440s. Though not the most prolific user of the history, he provides some details not found in other works, and is closer in style to the original, often preserving Olympiodorus’ details, and Latinisms, by straightforward transcription of Latin characters into Greek. Sozomen switches his emphasis from the East to the West when he follows Olympiodorus, and his narrative becomes more precise. The last book (Book IX), which uses Olympiodorus as a source for a large part of it, led Matthews to note that Sozomen seems to forget he is writing an ecclesiastical history, and becomes “almost secular”. Sozomen notes the powers of Stilicho, but does not present Olympiodorus’ favourable view of him, merely mentioning (twice) that he was killed by soldiers in Ravenna.
768:, who then abandoned Rome. In Sozomen's account of the Tuscans who offered to call up a storm to save Rome from Alaric, they assert that their town was saved by “the devotion of its inhabitants to the gods, in the ancient mode of worship”. The Prefect took the suggestion to the Bishop of Rome, who gave permission for the pagan rites to be carried out in private. However, the visitors attested that their rites would have no power unless they were done in full view of the public, and so were sent away. Olympiodorus regarded the professed Christian piety of the “impious wretch” Olympius as incompatible with his public office, and applauds the principled refusal of the general Generidus, who resigned his position in protest at a law prohibiting pagans from holding office. He made ‘sour’ comments about the wealthy
196:"All newcomers (novices), young and old, were taken to the public baths. Those who were by age fit to wear the cloak were brought forward by the scholastics who escorted them; then, while some ran in front pushed them back, others, running behind, pushed them forward and resisted them, amid shouts of 'Stop, stop, he must not wash.' Those who pushed back those who tried to hinder the progress of the novice were considered to be victorious in the contest. After a considerable time, and after a long disputation had taken place in accordance with custom, he who was being escorted was taken into a warm room and washed. Having dressed himself, he received permission to wear the cloak on his way from the bath, being accompanied by a numerous and distinguished throng."
546:, whose HE breaks off in 439, shows no signs of having used Olympiodorus, and that as Socrates read widely of the available literature, it is likely that Olympiodorus’ work had not been published by then. Gillett also offers, as evidence of a date of publication of 450, the “common and prudent practice” among historians to refrain from writing about events in the reigns of living emperors. Another possibility is that the work was published in sections, with the first decad having been written any time after the marriage of Placidia and Constantius in 417 (as they are therein referred to as married). The work may have been written to deadline.
732:
Philosturgius’ Ecclesiastical
History (Book Twelve) covers the same ground as does the ‘’history’’, and ends with the same episode (the defeat of the usurper John and proclamation of Valentinian III as western Emperor. There are linguistic similarities between the work of Philosturgius and the relevant passages of Zosimus that suggest Olympiodorus as a common source. The Baldwins offer a list of details suggesting a connection between the respective fragments of the two authors, though their attitudes towards Stilicho were very different.
679:”the Vandals, uniting with the Alani and the Suevi, crossed" the Alps in “the three passes, which form the passage from Italy into Celtica, commonly termed the Cottian, the Pennine, and the Maritime Alps…Arcadius being in his sixth consulate and Probus was his colleague”: A "report had been circulated at Rome, that the emperor Arcadius was dead, which was confirmed after the departure of Arcadius for Ravenna. Stilico being at Ravenna while the emperor was at a city of Aemilia, called Bononia, about seventy miles distant".
715:(the section pertaining to the history is known as the 46 Fragments of Olympiodorus, twelve of which have no historical content). Photius was a careful reproducer of the language and mannerisms of the authors he excerpted, and much of Olympiodorus's style survives in his work. From Photius we know of the organisation of the history, and it is he who tells us that Olympiodorus referred to himself as a poet. The Fragments stick closely to the Latin names of titles: the young Valentinian receives the title
657:
having partaken of human flesh”. He tells us that Jovius, prefect of Italy, held a conference with Alaric, after which he presented Alaric's demands to
Honorius. (When the emperor refused to put Alaric in charge of the army, Sozomen tells us that Jovius thought it prudent to side with Honorius “compelling the principal officers to swear that they would never consent to any terms of peace with Alaric.”) Sozomen refers to the three usurpers in Britain at this time (Mark,
619:
Olympiodorus's favourable view could only have come from his supporters). Another was the imperial notary, John, who held various offices under official and usurping masters up to 422, and who was a friend of the besieger of Rome, the
Visigoth Alaric. Heliocrates, appointed confiscator of Stilicho's partisans by Honorius, who carried out his job so moderately that he had to seek sanctuary from the emperor in a church,was another possible informant. The sometime
736:
the destroyer of
Stilicho: “Others call this man not Olympius but Olympiodorus; and they relate not that he came to the assistance of the emperor, but that he laid plots against Stilicho, who deserved well at his hands, and falsely accused him of aiming at the empire”. As Olympiodorus tells us that Stilicho's adversary was Olympius, Baldwin & Baldwin suggest that “something could easily have gone wrong with a sentence containing two such similar names”
675:, though he used only one fifth of it, and omitted some details used by Sozomen. Initially his history, based on the work of Eunapius, concentrated on the Eastern Empire; however he switched to the west, paraphrasing Olympiodorus, who was “the almost exclusive source” for his last chapters (Chapters 5.6-6.13). Zosimus maintains Olympiodorus's practice of providing geographical detail, giving distances in Roman miles, and a chronology using consular dating:
688:, which report that, through bribery, money flowed into the coffers of Stilicho (and his eastern equivalent, Rufinus); when Zosimus switches to Olympiodorus, this changes to a more sympathetic account: “He was the most moderate and just of all the men who possessed great authority in his time…he never conferred military rank for money, or coveted the stipend of the soldiers to his own use.” Zosimus cites Olympiodorus once, the subject being the naming of
138:, where he established himself at the court of Theodosius II, enabled by his classical education. (Latin was the language of official business, and proficiency in this language was necessary, even in the east, for any important government appointment.) He probably also benefitted from his connection with the future Empress. During his several journeys over the next thirteen years, he recorded a wide variety of facts,
755:
dynasty”. Gillett notes the commitment of time and resources expended by
Constantinople to support Ravenna in the face of the aggressive Vandal presence in north Africa, and suggests that Olympiodorus’ work provided a "timely contribution" to the debate. In the end, Gillett asserts that the history, rather than a record of events for posterity, or a religious polemic, was a realistic assessment of affairs of state.
259:, but official permission was withheld. This is read as the local kings' refusal, in Freese's translation of Photius, but Treadgold thinks it much more likely that it was the Emperor's decision: Olympiodorus was commissioned to travel for five days and no further, and the emerald mines could obviously not be reached within this time. (As further evidence, Treadgold points out that Olympiodorus uses the word
448:“Constantius, as he rode along, had a dejected and sullen appearance, with his great eyes and neck and broad head; his whole body was bent over his horse and he looked askance on either side, in order as the old expression has it, “to appear worthy of empire.” At feasts and banquets, however, he was agreeable and sociable, and often even condescended to vie with the mimes who performed at table.”
727:“His style is clear but loose and wanting in vigour, and sometimes degenerates into commonplace vulgarity, so that the work does not deserve to be considered a history… He is not distinguished for form, except… that he now and again approaches simplicity; but even in this, owing to the excessive meanness and paltriness of his diction, he… gradually descends to vulgar mannerism”.
488:).In his account of his trip to the Blemmyes, there are digressions on the weather, wells, agriculture and fossils. Olympiodorus concluded, from the fossil remains, that the Great Oasis of Siwah had once been an island. He gives detailed accounts of the routes taken by Alaric and Stilicho on various campaigns, mentioning rivers, towns, distances and features of the landscape.
764:
Eudocia were patrons of
Hellenistic learning. He felt able to assert that pagan cult objects could help the empire if they were respected (and hinder it if they were not). He credits the downfall of Stilicho and his wife to their plundering of pagan temple treasures, and blamed the Romans’ capitulation to Alaric on their having melted down a statue of
587:, which ended in 404 and dealt primarily with the eastern empire. Treadgold suggests that “to some extent”, Olympiodorus could be seen as a continuator of Eunapius, though their styles and attitudes were very different: Olympiodorus, as we have seen, provided detailed chronology; Eunapius thought chronological accuracy was irrelevant in a history.
791:"three statues of solid silver were found, lying in barbaric guise, with arms akimbo, clothed in part-coloured barbaric raiment, with long hair, turned towards the north, the country of the barbarians. When these statues were removed, the Goths a few days afterwards first overran and ravaged Thrace, and a little later Huns and
627:, who had the task of raising Alaric's tribute from the aristocracy in 408, was another possible source, and may have provided Olympiodorus with his knowledge of public and private wealth. His unfavourable account of Galla Placidia mirrors those of commentators in the western Empire, where Placidia was not popular.
704:(water). Zosimus mentions Jovius, as does Sozomen, but in his account Jovius is sent to Honorius by Constantine III (rather than Alaric, if it is the same Jovius) to offer him an alliance. He names the British usurpers at this time, and gives a more detailed account than Sozomen of Constantine's campaign in Gaul
591:
been hard to insert them seamlessly into an existing narrative. As further evidence for
Olympiodorus' having brought his sources together into his own narrative, Treadgold mentions the similarities of composition and outlook between his accounts of events in the west and accounts of his activities in the east.
683:
In the sections taken from
Olympiodorus, Zosimus preserves his Latinisms, with Latin words, phrases and sentences appearing in the Greek text (with a Greek translation). Matthews notes the improvement in quality when Zosimus follows Olympiodorus, eg. in the accuracy of titles and personal details. He
179:
A school of thought says that he was sent by the
Western Roman Emperor, but Treadgold finds this implausible, all the evidence pointing to Olympiodorus' living in, and working for, the eastern Empire during his professional life. During this journey, Olympiodorus learned sufficient Hunnish to include
849:
Baldwin & Baldwin opine that
Olympiodorus’ disgust at Placidia's turning Constantius III to frugal ways makes it “hard to decide whether our historian sounds more like a confirmed bachelor or a hen-pecked husband.” They suggest that the description of Constantius III as a “boon companion in male
746:
It was not just other writers who were influenced by Olympiodorus. His philosopher friend Hierocles, whom he visited at Alexandria after his visit to the Blemmyes and the death of his son, was so moved by the contrast between his successful mission and his tragic loss that he was moved to write ‘’On
735:
Philosturgius mentions Alaric's blockade of Rome and the ensuing famine, and says that those Romans who “had not been devoured by each other” were granted permission to bring in corn by Alaric, after he had declared Attalus emperor. One passage in Philosturgius concerns the aforementioned Olympius,
515:
Gillett tells us that holders of public office in antiquity often assembled such materials so that they, or others, could use them as the basis for a history. Thompson points out that Olympiodorus’ idiosyncracies of style: the Latinisms, slang (vernacular Greek), statistics and dating systems, which
505:
The work has been seen as a piece of travel-writing, in which the wandering poet goes in search of “themes, patrons and rewards”; however, Matthews points out that the style is more in keeping with an official document, designed to inform and make policy recommendations based on the situation in the
656:
Sozomen tells of the besieging of Rome by Alaric, and mentions “certain Tuscans, who… promised to drive out the barbarians with thunder and lightning; they boasted of having performed a similar explit at Larnia”.. He refers to Alaric's blockade of Rome, and says that “some persons were suspected of
634:
Olympiodorus also drew on personal experience: for instance, his account of the student initiation rites in the baths of Athens, which were unlikely to be public, is so detailed it suggests that Olympiodorus had participated in them. He learned enough of barbarian customs and language to comment on
590:
It has been suggested that Olympiodorus used a single written source for his history, but Matthews rejects this because of the personal digressions contained in his writing: he points out that, though such digressions were considered an integral part of the work of ancient historians, it would have
501:
in 413. Surprisingly, in the political context of the times, Olympiodorus spoke positively of Stilicho, and disapproved wholeheartedly of his execution by Honorius. He could also take unfavourable views of individuals: for instance, the pious Olympius, whom Olympiodorus regarded as a traitor, while
496:
for his bravery and skill in battle, but denouncing him as an oath-breaker. Though emperors are generally mentioned with respect, he depicted Honorius as an oath-breaker (Honorius had promised safe passage to Constantine III and his son, but then had them executed), but praised his arrangement with
344:
dealt almost exclusively with the Western Empire, and provides much of what we know of its affairs in the early fifth century (particularly around 410 when Rome fell to the Visigoths). Events in the east are only introduced when they impacted on affairs in the West, or were relevant to Olympiodorus
191:
Around 416, he went on a visit to Athens. There, through his "support and efforts" he caused his friend Leontius to be installed in the Chair of Rhetoric at the University (a position that Leontius apparently did not want). This was perhaps to settle a dispute between rival candidates, ensuring the
594:
Though obtaining accurate information about the Western Empire was notoriously difficult, there was an increase in diplomatic and political activity between east and west after 408, which would have provided Olympiodorus, moving in court circles, with first-hand information about the latter. There
460:
provided statistical and cultural details: eg. the sizes of armies; “the emperor called ten thousand Huns to his assistance in the war against Alaric”; the buying-off of Alaric, in which the city agreed to “give five thousand pounds of gold, and thirty thousand of silver, four thousand silk robes,
356:
He provides detailed chronologies, using consular dating: the usurpation of Constantine III, in 406, is given as “before the seventh consulship of Honorius and the second of Theodosius”, and the whole history covers the period from the seventh consulship of Honorius to the accession of Valentinian
133:
After his studies, he seems to have returned to Thebes, where there was a thriving community of poets writing in Greek, and embarked on the poetry that came to define him. At this time, according to Treadgold, he may have married and adopted a son, possibly an orphaned relative. Around 399/400 he
772:
family, who were unhappy at the prospect of losing their near monopoly of the city's wealth after Attalus's appointment of officials “well acquainted with the management of affairs”: Baldwin & Baldwin suggest that his attitude was due to the Anicii being Christian, rather than to their wealth
630:
His detailed account of Roman statistics were most probably gleaned from the city's archives, which Olympiodorus could, as a government official, have accessed on his visit for the installation of Valentinian III (assuming he went; his description of Rome and his amazement at the splendour of the
618:
Justinianus, a former adviser to Stilicho, was a possible source of information, whence Olympiodorus’ positive account of the Vandal, which was unique in eastern or western circles. (Matthews asserts that, given the generally unfavourable view of Stilicho by contemporary historians and senators,
472:
It also showed a predilection for gruesome details: “Olympius, who intrigued against Stilicho.. is beaten to death by order of Constantius, the husband of Placidia, after his ears have first been cut off”; the heads of usurpers (Jovinus and his brother Sebastian, Constantine and his son Julian,
763:
Photius refers to Olympiodorus as a “heathen”, which may have denoted a “dynamic cultural tradition” rather than a “specifically religious commitment”. Olympiodorus was addressing a Christian court, but there was a certain amount of tolerance for pagan ideas: both Theodosius II and the Empress
754:
Olympiodorus advocated support for the western empire by the East, highlighting the detrimental effects of earlier conflicts between the emperor Arcadius and Stilicho. Gillett describes his work as “a monument to the vitality of the belief in the unity of the Roman Empire under the Theodosian
170:
and the Huns, and the skilfulness of their kings in shooting with the bow. The author relates that he himself was sent on a mission to them and Donatus, and gives a tragic account of his wanderings and perils by the sea. How Donatus, being deceived by an oath, was unlawfully put to death. How
750:
The work was an official document, and contained Olympiodorus' professional opinions and policy recommendations. He advocated conciliating barbarians, which he considered often to be preferable to opposing them. He blamed Honorius for failing to win over Alaric, either by acceding to what he
731:
The ecclesiastical historian, Philosturgius, whose work appeared between 433 and 440, is believed to have had access to Olympiodorus’ entire work.. Evidence for this is “complex and debatable”, as the work of Philosturgius is accessible only via an epitome of Photius. The final book of
336:
career from 395, with the history proper beginning in 407, and ended (in Book X) with the voyage to the Huns in 412. The second decad began with events in Gaul that can be dated to the same year (412), and ended with the expedition to Rome for Valentinian's installation in 425.
747:
Providence and Fate, and the Relation of What We Control to the Divine Power’’, which he addressed and sent to Olympiodorus to console him.. In the preface to this book (summarised in Photius), Hierocles refers to Olympiodorus’ skills and successes as a Roman ambassador.
602:
Olympiodorus would have met several people who contributed to recent history on his travels, whose opinions he endorsed, and which made their way into his history. These included the ambassador Jovius, sent to treat with Honorius by Alaric and the usurper
502:
other writes regarded him as a ‘public benefactor’. He did not like Galla Placidia, telling us that her second husband, the emperor Constantius III, was “generous and open-handed” till he married her, after which he descended into "parsimonious ways"..
773:
alone. Olympiodorus suggests that Attalus incurred the wrath of the gods by his arrogant words to the Senate "in which he told them with great ostentation that he would subdue the whole world to the Romans, and even perform greater things than that".
491:
Though Olympiodorus was a Pagan, the work was "carefully neutral" on religious issues, (apart from some references to the disastrous effects of removing pagan statues). He was capable of even-handedness towards people, praising the Gothic general
824:. To this statue Olympiodorus credited the failure of Alaric to invade Sicily in 410. When the statue was pulled down on the orders of Placidia and Constantius III, Mt Etna erupted, and barbarians invaded Sicily (between 417 and 421).
524:
Scholarly debate places this from soon after the last events described, in 425, to close to 450. Thompson is an advocate of an early date (427 at the latest), as Olympiodorus gives a favourable account of “the most noble” general
134:
acquired a pet parrot, his faithful companion for the next twenty years, which spoke beautiful Greek and could "dance, sing, call its owner's name, and do many other tricks". At some point he moved, with his family and parrot, to
554:
Olympiodorus had access to a wide variety of sources and used many research techniques. He was widely read in prose and poetry.. He was aware of Ammon, who had measured the walls of Rome in the early 5th century. He quoted
295:(423-5). Though there is no direct evidence that Olympiodorus went on this trip, there are several compelling reasons to think he did: his detailed knowledge of affairs since 407; his observations on the coastline of
263:(βασιλεύς), the proper title of the Roman Emperor, to refer to the withholder.) On his return journey, he stopped off at his native Thebes, where he learned of the death of his son. He continued his journey to
799:
and Thrace itself, for these consecrated districts lay between Thrace and Illyricum, and from the number of the statues consecrated, they appear to have been intended as a protection against these barbarous
635:
their tribal structure. The story of the silver statues (below) was told to him by Valerius, given as governor of Thrace (who may have been the son of his friend Leontius, and brother of Eudocia Augusta).
103:, into a curial family. Thebes at that point was a flourishing centre of literary learning, and a cradle of politicians and public figures. He received a classical education, learning Greek and
684:
draws particular attention to the change in attitude towards Stilicho in Zosimus’ work: Eunapius was extremely hostile to the Vandal, which is reflected in the first references to him in the
804:
Treadgold is sceptical about these statues, finding the dates and personnel involved impossible to reconcile. Another fragment details a statue, endowed with a magic spell, which stood at
615:, who allied himself with Placidia and the eastern government in its war with the usurper Johannes (423-5). and who may have contributed to Olympiodorus’ favourable account of Boniface,
536:
breaks off at this point; it is also the accepted date of publication of Philosturgius’ Ecclesiastical History, though this is disputed. Gillett opts for a later date, about 440; with a
452:
The accuracy of personal details was often corroborated: Stilicho's nemesis, “the cruel and inhuman Olympius”, is described as a pious Christian; this is confirmed by letters from Saint
299:; the citing of facts and statistics that would have been available in the city archives at Rome; and his amazement at the actual grandeur of Rome and the wealth of its aristocracy. One
780:
at the time, and suggests this was an early influence on Olympiodorus. However, he did not allow his religious beliefs to cloud his impartiality: he took a dim view of the neoplatonist
941:
Compare this with what Zosimus tells us about Attalus, who, having been declared emperor by Alaric, then refused to follow his advice to send a "competent force" to depose the usurper
192:
choice of the Emperor. Or to support an official programme of copying classical texts following Visigothic invasions. He gives a vivid account of the student rituals in the city:
529:, declared a public enemy in 427 by Placidia. (However, in 432 Boniface was back in favour and was awarded the title Patrician, which makes possible a later date of publication.
461:
three thousand scarlet fleeces, and three thousand pounds of pepper”; the relative sizes of the baths (there were 1600 seats in the Antonine baths, and twice that number in the
932:
For example, he endorsed Stilicho's negotiations with Alaric, and regarded the collapse of the western political system as attributable to the breakdown of these negotiations.
328:
The history itself is now lost, but many of its structures and features can be established from the works of other writers. Its twenty-two books were organised into two
647:
may have been small, perhaps restricted to the emperor, his wife and sister, and his principal advisers. However, it was used and paraphrased by several other writers.
231:"While talking of a marvellous star (called Urania by the sailors), he was leaning heavily against the mast, which nearly gave way and precipitated him into the water."
251:
to the question, and decided in favour of allowing Olympiodorus into their territory: they "were eager to meet him owing to his reputation." He was urged to visit the
2235:
119:
Philtatius, whose knowledge of the amount of glue to use in book-binding caused a statue of him to be erected at Athens. Another friend, Valerius, was governor of
784:(magician) Libanius, who promised to repel a barbarian incursion using magic, without the aid of soldiers, but who was put to death by order of Placidia in 421.
469:). Olympiodorus was able to calculate the annual income of Roman senators, and the immense sums spent by them during their, and the families’, public offices.
115:
around 385-90, at about fifteen, and would have stayed there for four years. It was probably at Athens that he made friends with the sophist Leontius and the
456:. He narrates the motivations of various characters with clarity, showing how they manoeuvered through the volatile political landscape of the times. The
227:
In about 419/20, he undertook an actual mission to the Blemmyes, probably in his official capacity. He gives another account of a harrowing sea-voyage:
477:, city prefect of Rome, declared Emperor by Alaric “is captured, and, after the thumb and forefinger of his right hand have been cut off, is banished”.
571:: the works of the two historians being similar in scale, and in their use of geographical and social detail. It is possible to see the influence of
437:
every Roman title into Greek, an unusual practice: Greek historians avoided transliteration, often by leaving out the officials' titles altogether.
480:
Above all, the work had a “distinctly geographical bias”, with “even the geography of poets...pressed into... service”. Events were often narrated
1584:
1060:
1661:
559:, citing him extensively on geographical matters. He mentions the poet Peisander, whom he credits with providing the connection between the
840:
In 421, Athenaïs, the daughter of Leontius had converted to Christianity, taking the name Eudocia, and married the emperor Theodosius II.
901:), and “refers to ordinary vernacular Greek, which everyone used in conversation and in practical writing with no literary pretensions”.
583:
has been suggested as a source. A source with which Olympiodorus would have been familiar was the ‘’History to Continue Dexippus’’ of
2225:
949:: "Attalus would not listen to his admonitions, being filled with expectations given him by the soothsayers, that he should subdue
32:; born c. 380, fl. c. 412–425 AD) was a Roman historian, poet, philosopher and diplomat of the early fifth century. He produced a
604:
2240:
2230:
247:(leaders) of the Blemmyes, requesting permission to meet them. They referred the decision to their "prophets", who applied
180:
some technical terms in his writing. He also picked up a few words of Vandal, telling us that the Vandals called the Goths
303:, presumably his own, appears in the description of the residences of the wealthy on his visit to Rome, which contained
2210:
1654:
390:, faced with a grain blockade from Africa, exploitation by the grain merchants, and the prospect of eating each other:
212:'s family were natives of the Thebaïd. The official purpose of the visit may have been to gather information about the
2118:
2041:
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did not have to conform to the conventions of contemporary historical writing, were appropriate for such a work.
2220:
1926:
1610:
The fragmentary classicising historians of the later Roman empire. Eunapius, Olympiodorus, Priscus and Malchus.
620:
372:, including inscriptions and acclamations in the Roman alphabet: eg. the response to Stilicho's request to the
116:
1647:
923:
There is some doubt as to whether or not Olympiodorus of Thebes was the Olympiodorus addressed by Heirocles.
2215:
2205:
2200:
1874:
723:, and it is from him we learn the names of Olympiodorus’ friends. Photius decries Olympiodorus's style:
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787:
His journey to Athens in 416 is prefaced by a tale of three statues that had been interred near Thrace:
2051:
1727:
543:
1793:
319:"One house is a town; a city has ten thousand towns" (Εΐς δόμος ά συ πέλει πόλις ά οτεα μυρία κεύθει)
433:), “thirty miles from Ravenna”.; or “two hundred and ten stadia distant from Ravenna”. Olympiodorus
1916:
624:
175:, the first of the kings, being incensed by the murder, was appeased by presents from the emperor."
599:, fleeing Rome after its sack: “it would be perverse to assume that none reached Constantinople”.
2159:
1848:
1798:
1763:
1707:
1175:
Treadgold, Warren (2004). "The Diplomatic Career and Historical Work of Olympiodorus of Thebes".
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556:
268:
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His knowledge of Homer was sufficient for him to identify the coast of Italy as the backdrop to
1984:
1682:
386:("This is not a peace, but a bond of servitude"). Or the cry of the starving population in the
353:" (the western Emperor and his sister), as well as the son of Arcadius (the eastern Emperor).
2123:
2097:
1884:
1813:
1768:
740:
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west. Olympiodorus himself described the work as “a collection of materials for a history”, (
1103:
Matthews, John F (1970). "Olympiodorus of Thebes and the history of the West (AD 407–425)".
700:, while Zosimus preferred the explanation given by Asinius Quadratus, that it was named for
671:
at the turn of the fifth and sixth centuries, provides the fullest version of Olympiodorus'
111:. This education provided access to a career in public life. He went to study philosophy at
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1900:
1879:
1828:
1773:
1758:
568:
485:
235:
His parrot seems to have perished, as his writing at this time contains what looks like an
45:
8:
2113:
2000:
1858:
1833:
1722:
1697:
796:
664:
462:
280:
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and Constantine III), and gives an account of the latter's adventures on the continent.
396:("Fix a certain price on human flesh"). Olympiodorus “jestingly” suggests that the name
345:
himself. He describes eastern affairs in western terms: Theodosius II is the "nephew of
2169:
2164:
2092:
1823:
1778:
1578:
1539:
1531:
1492:
1333:
1325:
1262:
1188:
1120:
1054:
888:. (Photius tells us that this view was accepted by several scholars who came after him)
537:
453:
346:
739:
In addition, Treadgold suggests that fragments of Olympiodorus survive in the Wars of
542:
of 450, when Theodosius II, its dedicatee, died. He reasons that the church historian
63:. He made several journeys in an official capacity, accompanied for twenty years by a
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2133:
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1937:
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1788:
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court, and whose work influenced several subsequent historians, including writers of
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Ecclesiastical History (Epitome of Photius of Constantinople), Book XII, 9th century
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1979:
1921:
1853:
1843:
1523:
1484:
1317:
1254:
1180:
1112:
124:
1184:
2149:
2076:
2020:
2010:
2005:
1964:
1959:
1954:
1783:
1402:
859:
Freese's translation of Photius says that Olympiodorus referred to his work as a
805:
474:
434:
362:
285:
108:
1479:
Gillett, Andrew (1993). "The Date and Circumstances of Olympiodorus of Thebes".
2179:
2056:
2015:
1969:
1615:
493:
420:
387:
350:
135:
76:
37:
23:
1488:
1442:
1321:
1116:
751:
considered his "reasonable demands", or dealing successfully with his threat.
200:
In the same year (416), and probably as part of the same trip, he visited the
2194:
2066:
1974:
1712:
1612:
Greek text with English translation. 2 vols. Liverpool: Francis Cairns, 1981.
224:
living south of the Great Oasis and the Thebaïd, who frequently raided both.
167:
127:
88:
41:
1258:
2154:
2061:
1808:
777:
444:
includes detailed accounts of people, eg. his account of Constantius III:
373:
72:
365:
was in the eleventh consulship of Honorius and the second of Constantius.
942:
781:
769:
52:
1266:
1246:
123:
in 421, and may have been the son of Leontius and brother of the future
1692:
1639:
914:: “Stilicho's relative tolerance of pagans did not extend to heretics”.
813:
792:
572:
526:
481:
466:
399:
304:
264:
248:
139:
1535:
1511:
1329:
1305:
100:
1838:
1737:
866:
608:
300:
221:
147:
143:
1803:
1753:
1687:
1527:
950:
911:
881:
584:
580:
576:
560:
377:
369:
333:
308:
244:
236:
213:
172:
60:
56:
188:
of wheat for a gold coin, though it was only one third of a pint.
1732:
1717:
697:
689:
650:
612:
596:
498:
358:
292:
289:
256:
252:
1447:(Hartranft (Trans 1890, K Knight revision) ed.). New Advent
946:
885:
430:
312:
205:
120:
112:
64:
208:. His description of the journey ends with the assertion that
693:
564:
507:
414:
296:
240:
217:
209:
201:
104:
96:
92:
68:
27:
567:. Thompson suggests that Olympiodorus had read and digested
357:
III. We are told that the marriage of Placidia and the Goth
865:; Baldwin & & Baldwin note that is synonymous with
497:
the Visigoth Ataulf, whereby the latter defeated the rebel
275:
159:
1618:, "The date and circumstances of Olympiodorus of Thebes,"
1244:
1603:
Ricerche di tarda storiografia (da Olimpiodoro di Tebe)
1568:
150:, and opinions on the political situation in the west.
361:
occurred in the month of January, and her marriage to
1034:
910:
This might have been due to Philosturgius’ being an
473:
Maximus and Eugenius) are exposed outside Carthage;
692:. Olympiodorus asserted that it took its name from
158:His first recorded visit was on an embassy to the
631:city was "almost" certainly "based on autopsy").
184:, because, when pressed by famine, they bought a
2192:
1564:
1562:
1560:
368:Though written in Greek, the work included many
284:Helio, for the installation of the six year old
2236:Greek-language historians from the Roman Empire
1573:(E Walford, trans., 1885 ed.). Tertullian.
812:, and which protected Sicily from the fires of
315:, and many of the other attributes of a town:
820:) and from barbarians attempting to cross the
1655:
1557:
776:Thompson refers to the “great attraction” of
87:Olympiodorus was born between 365 and 380 in
1629:(collected articles). Bari: Edipuglia, 2006.
1170:
1168:
1166:
1164:
1162:
1160:
1158:
1156:
1154:
532:433 is supported by the fact that Sozomen's
1583:: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (
1152:
1150:
1148:
1146:
1144:
1142:
1140:
1138:
1136:
1134:
1098:
1096:
1094:
1092:
1090:
1059:: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (
860:
850:company” may have reflected his own tastes.
643:Originally, the intended readership of the
424:
405:
397:
391:
381:
1662:
1648:
1503:
1474:
1472:
1470:
1468:
1466:
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1382:
1380:
1378:
1376:
1374:
1299:
1297:
1295:
1293:
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1289:
1287:
1285:
1283:
1240:
1238:
1236:
1234:
1232:
1230:
1228:
1226:
1224:
1222:
1088:
1086:
1084:
1082:
1080:
1078:
1076:
1074:
1072:
1070:
1035:Photius of Constantinople, (9th century).
1436:
1434:
1432:
1430:
1428:
1426:
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1422:
1372:
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1368:
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1030:
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1010:
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1002:
1000:
998:
996:
994:
992:
990:
162:in 412/3. Olympiodorus discourses about
1669:
1303:
1131:
1102:
1041:(JH Freese (Trans) ed.). Tertullian
988:
986:
984:
982:
980:
978:
976:
974:
972:
970:
1509:
1478:
1459:
1280:
1179:. 26, No. 4 (Dec., 2004) (4): 709–733.
1067:
383:non est ista pax, sed pactio servitutus
332:. The first started with an account of
2193:
1419:
1351:
1199:
897:Treadgold translates this as ‘slang’ (
1643:
967:
719:; Jovian remains with Attalus as his
410:(dry bread, biscuit) which they ate.
288:as Western Emperor, in place of the
67:. He was a "convinced but discreet"
1440:
1400:
239:. At the border town of Syene (now
13:
1595:
1316:(1/2 (Jan. - Apr., 1944)): 43–52.
1245:B Baldwin & H Baldwin (1980).
696:, who founded it with his brother
607:, and Candidianus, adviser to the
519:
413:He gave distances in Roman miles (
274:His final recorded journey was to
36:in twenty-two volumes, written in
14:
2252:
2119:Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos
953:and all Africa without fighting”
2226:5th-century Byzantine historians
2042:Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger
1634:The Historians of Late Antiquity
278:in 424/5, in the company of the
1512:"Zosimus and Asinius Quadratus"
935:
926:
917:
904:
891:
874:
853:
1927:Nikephoros I of Constantinople
843:
834:
711:, excerpts the history in his
579:in the history., and the poet
1:
1569:Philosturgius (4th century).
1185:10.1080/07075332.2004.9641043
960:
707:The ninth-century patriarch,
243:), a request was sent to the
2241:Roman-era students in Athens
1441:Sozomen, Salminius Hermias.
1177:International History Review
867:
638:
404:(soldiers) derives from the
107:, as well as the vernacular
99:), in the Roman province of
7:
2231:5th-century Egyptian people
1627:Eunape, Olympiodore, Zosime
884:'s adventures, rather than
758:
393:pretium inpone carni humanæ
40:, dedicated to the Emperor
10:
2257:
2052:Eustathius of Thessalonica
1728:Socrates of Constantinople
1636:. London: Routledge, 2002.
1407:. Green & Chaplin 1814
549:
508:
415:
323:
267:, where he met his friend
153:
44:, detailing events in the
28:
2211:4th-century Greek writers
2142:
2106:
2085:
2034:
1993:
1947:
1909:
1893:
1867:
1794:Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite
1746:
1675:
1522:(1 (Jan., 1979)): 57–58.
1489:10.1017/S036215290001285X
1322:10.1017/S0009838800022552
1117:10.1017/S0075435800043276
376:for the money to pay off
1917:Theophanes the Confessor
1605:. Bologna: Pàtron, 2004.
1306:"Olympiodorus of Thebes"
1253:. T.49 (1980): 212–231.
1247:"Olympiodorus of Thebes"
1105:Journal of Roman Studies
827:
484:(a practice shared with
2160:Laonikos Chalkokondyles
1849:Theophanes of Byzantium
1799:Pseudo-Zacharias Rhetor
1764:Eustathius of Epiphania
1708:Panodorus of Alexandria
1510:Baldwin, Barry (1979).
1304:Thompson, E.A. (1944).
1259:10.3406/antiq.1980.1973
82:
1985:Theophanes Continuatus
1703:Olympiodorus of Thebes
1683:Annianus of Alexandria
1444:Ecclesiastical History
861:
425:
406:
398:
392:
382:
77:ecclesiastical history
71:, who flourished in a
29:Ὀλυμπιόδωρος ὁ Θηβαῖος
20:Olympiodorus of Thebes
2221:Late-Roman-era pagans
2180:Pseudo-George Kodinos
2124:John VI Kantakouzenos
2098:Theodore Skoutariotes
1885:Theophylact Simocatta
1814:Liberatus of Carthage
1769:Evagrius Scholasticus
1251:L'Antiquité Classique
51:His friends included
48:between 407 and 425.
2072:Constantine Manasses
1901:Hippolytus of Thebes
1880:Trajan the Patrician
1774:Hesychius of Miletus
1759:Cyril of Scythopolis
1670:Byzantine historians
1625:Paschoud, François,
569:Ammianus Marcellinus
563:and the founding of
486:Ammianus Marcellinus
148:etymological musings
46:Western Roman Empire
2114:Nicephorus Gregoras
2001:Michael Attaleiates
1834:Peter the Patrician
1723:Sabinus of Heraclea
1632:Rohrbacher, David,
1516:Classical Philology
1483:. 48 (1993): 1–29.
1310:Classical Quarterly
281:magister officiorum
2216:4th-century Romans
2206:5th-century deaths
2201:4th-century births
2165:Michael Critobulus
2093:George Akropolites
1824:Menander Protector
1779:John Diakrinomenos
1601:Baldini, Antonio,
795:made inroads into
621:Praetorian Prefect
539:terminus ante quem
454:Augustine of Hippo
2188:
2187:
2175:George Sphrantzes
2134:Michael Panaretos
2129:George Pachymeres
2047:Niketas Choniates
1938:Scriptor Incertus
1932:George Hamartolos
1819:Marcellinus Comes
1789:John of Epiphania
822:Strait of Messina
557:Asinius Quadratus
2248:
2026:Yahya of Antioch
1980:Symeon Logothete
1922:George Syncellus
1854:Zacharias Rhetor
1844:Theodorus Lector
1664:
1657:
1650:
1641:
1640:
1622:48 (1993): 1–29.
1608:Blockley, R.C.,
1589:
1588:
1582:
1574:
1566:
1555:
1554:
1552:
1550:
1507:
1501:
1500:
1476:
1457:
1456:
1454:
1452:
1438:
1417:
1416:
1414:
1412:
1398:
1349:
1348:
1346:
1344:
1301:
1278:
1277:
1275:
1273:
1242:
1197:
1196:
1172:
1129:
1128:
1100:
1065:
1064:
1058:
1050:
1048:
1046:
1032:
954:
939:
933:
930:
924:
921:
915:
908:
902:
895:
889:
878:
872:
870:
864:
857:
851:
847:
841:
838:
511:
510:
428:
418:
417:
409:
403:
395:
385:
204:of the Egyptian
31:
30:
2256:
2255:
2251:
2250:
2249:
2247:
2246:
2245:
2191:
2190:
2189:
2184:
2150:John Anagnostes
2138:
2102:
2081:
2077:Joannes Zonaras
2030:
2021:John Xiphilinus
2011:Michael Psellos
2006:George Kedrenos
1989:
1965:John Kaminiates
1960:Joseph Genesius
1955:Constantine VII
1943:
1905:
1889:
1875:John of Antioch
1863:
1784:John of Ephesus
1742:
1671:
1668:
1616:Gillett, Andrew
1598:
1596:Further reading
1593:
1592:
1576:
1575:
1567:
1558:
1548:
1546:
1508:
1504:
1477:
1460:
1450:
1448:
1439:
1420:
1410:
1408:
1399:
1352:
1342:
1340:
1302:
1281:
1271:
1269:
1243:
1200:
1173:
1132:
1101:
1068:
1052:
1051:
1044:
1042:
1033:
968:
963:
958:
957:
940:
936:
931:
927:
922:
918:
909:
905:
896:
892:
879:
875:
858:
854:
848:
844:
839:
835:
830:
808:Reggio Calabria
761:
641:
605:Constantine III
552:
522:
520:Date of writing
482:topographically
363:Constantius III
326:
286:Valentinian III
156:
85:
17:
16:Roman historian
12:
11:
5:
2254:
2244:
2243:
2238:
2233:
2228:
2223:
2218:
2213:
2208:
2203:
2186:
2185:
2183:
2182:
2177:
2172:
2167:
2162:
2157:
2152:
2146:
2144:
2140:
2139:
2137:
2136:
2131:
2126:
2121:
2116:
2110:
2108:
2104:
2103:
2101:
2100:
2095:
2089:
2087:
2083:
2082:
2080:
2079:
2074:
2069:
2064:
2059:
2057:Michael Glykas
2054:
2049:
2044:
2038:
2036:
2032:
2031:
2029:
2028:
2023:
2018:
2016:John Skylitzes
2013:
2008:
2003:
1997:
1995:
1991:
1990:
1988:
1987:
1982:
1977:
1972:
1970:Leo the Deacon
1967:
1962:
1957:
1951:
1949:
1945:
1944:
1942:
1941:
1934:
1929:
1924:
1919:
1913:
1911:
1907:
1906:
1904:
1903:
1897:
1895:
1891:
1890:
1888:
1887:
1882:
1877:
1871:
1869:
1865:
1864:
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1841:
1836:
1831:
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1821:
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1801:
1796:
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1756:
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1725:
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1685:
1679:
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1667:
1666:
1659:
1652:
1644:
1638:
1637:
1630:
1623:
1613:
1606:
1597:
1594:
1591:
1590:
1556:
1528:10.1086/366470
1502:
1458:
1418:
1350:
1279:
1198:
1130:
1066:
965:
964:
962:
959:
956:
955:
934:
925:
916:
903:
890:
873:
852:
842:
832:
831:
829:
826:
802:
801:
760:
757:
729:
728:
681:
680:
667:, writing his
640:
637:
551:
548:
521:
518:
450:
449:
435:transliterated
419:), as well as
388:Circus Maximus
325:
322:
321:
320:
233:
232:
198:
197:
177:
176:
155:
152:
146:observations,
136:Constantinople
84:
81:
15:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
2253:
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2239:
2237:
2234:
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2222:
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2212:
2209:
2207:
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2199:
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2181:
2178:
2176:
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2168:
2166:
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2141:
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2112:
2111:
2109:
2105:
2099:
2096:
2094:
2091:
2090:
2088:
2084:
2078:
2075:
2073:
2070:
2068:
2067:John Kinnamos
2065:
2063:
2060:
2058:
2055:
2053:
2050:
2048:
2045:
2043:
2040:
2039:
2037:
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2027:
2024:
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2017:
2014:
2012:
2009:
2007:
2004:
2002:
1999:
1998:
1996:
1992:
1986:
1983:
1981:
1978:
1976:
1975:Pseudo-Simeon
1973:
1971:
1968:
1966:
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1961:
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1713:Philostorgius
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1471:
1469:
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1406:
1405:
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1363:
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1357:
1355:
1339:
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1327:
1323:
1319:
1315:
1311:
1307:
1300:
1298:
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1290:
1288:
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1268:
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1260:
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1237:
1235:
1233:
1231:
1229:
1227:
1225:
1223:
1221:
1219:
1217:
1215:
1213:
1211:
1209:
1207:
1205:
1203:
1194:
1190:
1186:
1182:
1178:
1171:
1169:
1167:
1165:
1163:
1161:
1159:
1157:
1155:
1153:
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1145:
1143:
1141:
1139:
1137:
1135:
1126:
1122:
1118:
1114:
1110:
1106:
1099:
1097:
1095:
1093:
1091:
1089:
1087:
1085:
1083:
1081:
1079:
1077:
1075:
1073:
1071:
1062:
1056:
1040:
1039:
1031:
1029:
1027:
1025:
1023:
1021:
1019:
1017:
1015:
1013:
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1894:8th century
1868:7th century
1747:6th century
1676:5th century
1411:25 November
1404:New History
1045:24 November
943:Heraclianus
899:χυδαιολογία
782:thaumaturge
686:New History
669:New History
407:buccellatum
305:hippodromes
2195:Categories
1693:John Rufus
1451:9 December
1038:Biblioteca
961:References
814:Mount Etna
793:Sarmatians
713:Biblioteca
609:Visigothic
595:were also
573:Thucydides
467:Diocletian
400:bucellarii
334:Stilicho's
265:Alexandria
249:divination
222:barbarians
140:statistics
117:grammarian
1839:Procopius
1738:Theodoret
1579:cite book
1549:13 August
1544:161655920
1497:152274417
1401:Zosimus.
1338:154786500
1193:154296596
1125:222391426
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1055:cite book
806:Rhegium (
800:nations”.
797:Illyricum
741:Procopius
721:Patricius
639:Influence
625:Palladius
561:Argonauts
370:Latinisms
309:fountains
301:hexameter
269:Hierocles
245:ethnarchs
73:Christian
57:governors
1829:Nonnosus
1804:Jordanes
1754:Agathias
1688:Eunapius
1620:Traditio
1481:Traditio
1343:22 April
1272:21 April
1267:41651943
951:Carthage
882:Odysseus
759:Paganism
597:refugees
585:Eunapius
581:Claudian
577:Plutarch
544:Socrates
527:Boniface
426:Ariminum
378:Alaric I
351:Placidia
347:Honorius
293:Johannes
261:basileus
257:Pharaohs
237:obituary
214:Blemmyes
173:Charaton
91:(modern
1859:Zosimus
1733:Sozomen
1718:Priscus
1698:Malchus
709:Photius
698:Romulus
690:Ravenna
673:history
665:Zosimus
659:Gratian
651:Sozomen
645:history
613:Athaulf
550:Sources
499:Jovinus
475:Attalus
458:history
442:history
342:history
324:Writing
313:shrines
290:usurper
253:emerald
168:Donatus
154:Travels
128:Eudocia
125:Augusta
101:Thebaïd
34:History
2170:Doukas
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947:Africa
886:Sicily
770:Anicii
766:Virtus
431:Rimini
423:: eg.
421:stades
374:Senate
359:Ataulf
330:decads
206:desert
121:Thrace
113:Athens
109:Coptic
89:Thebes
65:parrot
1540:S2CID
1532:JSTOR
1493:S2CID
1334:S2CID
1326:JSTOR
1263:JSTOR
1189:S2CID
1121:S2CID
912:Arian
862:silva
828:Notes
818:Aetna
702:Rhene
694:Remus
611:king
565:Emona
494:Sarus
463:Baths
416:μίλια
297:Italy
241:Aswan
218:Nubia
210:Homer
202:oases
186:trula
182:Truli
105:Latin
97:Egypt
93:Luxor
69:pagan
38:Greek
24:Greek
1585:link
1551:2020
1453:2020
1413:2020
1345:2020
1274:2020
1061:link
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868:hyle
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276:Rome
160:Huns
83:Life
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