421:
Britain". Nonetheless, few
Southerners were willing to also call slavery "a sin". This attitude resulted in a situation where "slave states contained a great many more anti-slavery societies than the free states". After the abolitionists escalated their intellectual attacks against slavery, pro-slavery Southerners felt threatened, and retaliated with their own philosophical and morality-based justifications to defend involuntary servitude. The pro-slavery adherents felt compelled to take a hardline stance and engaged in a vehement and growing ideological defense of slavery. Pro-slavery intellectuals and slaveholders began to rationalize slavery as a positive good that benefited both owners and the enslaved. Calhoun believed that the "ownership of Negros" was both a right and an obligation, causing the pro-slavery intelligentsia to position enslavement as a paternalistic and socially beneficial relationship, that required reciprocal "duties" from the enslaved.
32:
48:
291:(1858), Hammond articulated the pro-slavery political argument during the period at which the ideology was at its most mature (late 1830s – early 1860s). Along with John C. Calhoun, Hammond believed that the bane of many past societies was the existence of the class of the landless poor. This class of landless poor was viewed as being inherently transient and easily manipulated, and as such often destabilized society as a whole. Thus, the greatest threat to democracy was seen as coming from class warfare that destabilized a nation's economy, society, government, and threatened the peaceful and harmonious implementation of laws.
445:
than free. He insisted that slavery was not a question of race, that in principle anyone of any race could be enslaved, and that this was beneficial to those enslaved as well as to their masters. Fitzhugh argued that
Southern slaves had a "guarantee of livelihood, protection and support", and that if a master failed to perform his duties, he could be forced to sell his slaves to a more capable slaveholder. In this way, Fitzhugh contended that "Slavery protects the infants, the aged and the sick," along with the healthy and the strong.
429:", the schooling of whom would be a waste, as they could not be educated. Some plantation mistresses spent considerable time in an attempt to "civilize" their enslaved laborers by providing food, shelter, and affection. In this sense, antebellum Southern women saw the enslaved as childlike, in need of protection. While engaging in this type of activity, they also attempted to convince the plantation enslaved, who were denied contact with
85:, slavery became a significant social issue in North America. At this time, the anti-slavery contention that it was both economically inefficient and socially detrimental to the country as a whole was more prevalent than philosophical and moral arguments against slavery. However this perspective rapidly changed as the worldwide demand for sugar and cotton from America increased and the
254:
have been born and brought up in the midst of them, and so far as my knowledge and experience extend, I should say they have every reason to be happy. Lightly tasked, well clothed, well fed—far better than the free laborers of any country in the world ...—their lives and persons protected by the law, all their sufferings alleviated by the kindest and most interested care....
231:
500:, who owned throughout his life up to 300 slaves, was the first U.S. President (1829–1837) to be elected from the newly founded Democratic Party. Jackson was accused of beating his slaves, and also of banning the delivery of anti-slavery literature through the mail, calling abolitionists monsters who should "atone for this wicked attempt with their lives".
408:, arguing that not all people are "equally entitled to liberty". To bolster the prospects of slavery, he asserted that liberty was not a universal right but should be "reserved for the intelligent, the patriotic, the virtuous and deserving", which would exclude both free and enslaved Negros. Moreover, in 1820, Calhoun explained to
246:. He launched an attack on pro-human rights proponents in the North, while defending the social and economic benefits to whites of enslavement in the South. Hammond's speech on enslavement was considered a new departure in the American Congress, distinguished as the "first explicit defense of slavery as a positive good".
420:
Before the 1830s, the support for slavery was weakening in the South. During this period many
Southerners agreed that, in the abstract, slavery constituted an evil. They claimed that they had not participated in its introduction, and laid the blame of the existence of the institution on "old Grandam
376:
In that 1837 speech, Calhoun further argued that the slaveholders took care of their slaves from birth to old age, urging the opponents of slavery to "look at the sick, and the old and infirm slave, on one hand, in the midst of his family and friends, under the kind superintending care of his master
359:
The concept of slavery as a positive good came to the forefront in
Calhoun's February 6, 1837, speech on the US Senate floor. In an attempt to disarm the abolitionists' moral outrage over slavery as "man-stealing" and ignoring the anti-slavery tradition of the Founders, Calhoun, like many proslavery
306:
Southern pro-slavery theorists asserted that slavery eliminated this problem by elevating all free people to the status of "citizen", and removing the landless poor (the "mudsill") from the political process entirely by means of enslavement. Thus, those who would most threaten economic stability and
194:
Slavery is not a national evil; on the contrary, it is a national benefit. The agricultural wealth of the country is found in those states owning slaves, and a great portion of the revenue of the government is derived from the products of slave labor—Slavery exists in some form everywhere, and it is
444:
was a slave owner, a prominent pro-slavery
Democrat, and a sociological theorist who took the positive-good argument to its final extreme conclusion. Fitzhugh argued that slavery was the proper relationship of all labor to capital, that it was generally better for all laborers to be enslaved rather
424:
Another aspect of "slavery as a positive good" motivated some
Southern white women to offer the enslaved on plantations material goods, as well as maternal care of those they considered "unfit or feeble-minded Negros". However, all black people were generally, though not universally, believed to be
395:' of the North". He believed that free laborers in the North were just as enslaved as the Negro workers in the South. However, in the case of slaves in the South, Calhoun argued that Negros were receiving special protection under a caring and paternalistic master, and therefore were more fortunate.
387:
Most
Southern slaveholders and intellectuals favored Calhoun's ideas and maintained that the institution of slavery "benefited both master and servant". In that arrangement, the slaveholder acquired his labor and the slave was given a standard of living far beyond what he could ever hope to achieve
354:
Never before has the black race of
Central Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually... It came to us in a low, degraded, and savage condition, and in the course of a few generations it
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being that the lowest threshold (mudsill) supports the foundation for a building. The theory was used by
Hammond to justify what he saw as the willingness of the non-whites to perform menial work which enabled the higher classes to move civilization forward. With this in mind, any efforts for class
182:
Such justification about the "goodness" of enslavement for those who were enslaved became more common in the 1820s. By the late 1820s, the defense of institutional slavery saw it as mutually beneficial for state governments, enslavers, and enslaved people alike. Legal enslavement drifted from being
146:
A narrative that enslaved
Africans lived in a carefree, comfortable state dates back to the late eighteenth century. This argument mostly focused on the economic feasibility of enslaving people for their labor despite the inherent subjugation and degradation of human beings. The enslaved people of
253:
Slavery is said to be an evil.... But it is no evil. On the contrary, I believe it to be the greatest of all the great blessings which a kind Providence has bestowed upon our glorious region.... As a class, I say it boldly; there is not a happier, more contented race upon the face of the earth. I
215:
almost passed legislation for the emancipation of enslaved people in 1832. Dew supported enslavement on philosophical, economic and Biblical grounds, arguing that chattel slavery was not necessarily an immoral system. In portraying Southern enslavement-based society as "superior" to Northern free
384:. In an effort to illustrate that the North was also guilty of treating and exploiting its free laborers like slaves, Calhoun declared in his speech "that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilised society in which one portion of the community did not...live on the labour of the other."
264:
After traveling through Europe, Hammond concluded that free laborers were being exploited by soulless materialism in England and the North, where workers had the "liberty only to starve", while Southerners were far more protective, assuming "responsibility for every aspect of the lives" of their
167:
If in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries transplanted Europeans denounced Atlantic creoles as audacious rogues and if in the eighteenth century the nascent planter class condemned the newly arrived Africans for their "gross bestiality and rudeness of their manners", nineteenth-century white
448:
Fitzhugh declared that "the unrestricted exploitation of so-called free society is more oppressive to the laborer than domestic slavery". In later years, Fitzhugh not only supported slavery for blacks, but like other proslavery intellectuals, came to the conclusion that it was also suitable for
473:
found Fitzhugh's pro-slavery sentiments to be sound, declaring that the justification of slavery was not an issue of "mere negro slavery", but that in of itself "slavery is a right, natural and necessary." Fitzhugh maintained that slavery was the best institution to ensure "the rights of man".
371:
But I take higher ground. I hold that, in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by colour, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding states between the two is,
503:
In the Democratic South, many pro-slavery activists within the Southern intelligentsia and political community took the position that they were simply "upholding the great principles which our fathers bequeathed us". They regarded the practice of holding other humans in chattel bondage as a
486:'s success and prominence across the political landscape has been attributed to its ability to reshape the issue of slavery as a "morally beneficial institution", especially to the more radical faction of Southerners within the Democratic Party. By the mid-19th century, the Democrats of the
96:
By the early 19th century, anti-slavery arguments began to depart from claims that it was economically inefficient and towards the contention that slavery was inherently immoral. In response, pro-slavery advocates fought against the abolitionists with their own morality-based defense, which
172:
But by the 1810s a new rationale arose that began to treat legalized enslavement as a "positive good" and not as an economically "necessary evil", while still affirming its alleged economic benefits. It appears that this new premise was first expressed by Robert Walsh in 1819:
177:
The physical condition of the American Negro is on the whole, not comparatively alone, but positively good, and he is exempt from those racking anxieties—the exacerbates of despair, to which the English manufacturer and peasant are subject to in the pursuit of their
74:. They defended the legal enslavement of people for their labor as a benevolent, paternalistic institution with social and economic benefits, an important bulwark of civilization, and a divine institution similar or superior to the free labor in the North.
307:
political harmony were not allowed to undermine a democratic society, because they were not allowed to participate in it. So, in the mindset of those in favour of it, slavery was for protecting the common good of slaves, masters, and society as a whole.
452:
Taking an authoritarian position, Fitzhugh argued that "All government is slavery", and that "No one ought to be free." And yet he, like other proslavery theorists, believed that "slavery ultimately made democracy work", by referencing the history of
137:
never believed for a moment the blacks were happy in their condition and wouldn't try for freedom, the way that white planters in the 1830s and '40s tried to convince themselves that their slaves loved their situation. Americans who lived through the
97:
invariably stressed their view that slaves were both well treated and happy, and included illustrations which were designed to prove their points. A writer in 1835 asserted that American slavery is the best slavery there ever was:
318:. The economic self-interest of slaveholders certainly played a role, as slaves represented a massive amount of wealth – some historians estimate that at the time of the Civil War, over 20% of private wealth in the US was slaves.
195:
not of much consequence in a philosophical point of view, whether it be voluntary or involuntary. In a political point of view, involuntary slavery had the advantage, since all who enjoy political liberty are then, in fact, free.
199:
Not long after Governor Miller's speech, the general defense of involuntary servitude drifted towards a position where a "proper social order and foundation of social welfare played a major role" in the pro-enslavement debate.
1217:, "XIV Speech on the Reception of Abolition Petitions, February, 1837; Speeches of John C. Calhoun:Delivered in the Congress of the United States from 1811 to the present time"; Harper & Brothers, New York, 1843, p. 225.
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seen as an economic system of private enslavers to a political and philosophical position that portrayed enslavement as possessing national importance, providing benefits to the states, including more tax revenue.
932:
1032:
The Pro-Slavery Argument, as Maintained by the Most Distinguished Writers of the Southern States, Containing the Several Essays, on the Subject, of Chancellor Harper, Governor Hammond, and Professor Dew
1000:
Remarks of Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, on the Question of Receiving Petitions for the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia. Delivered in the House of Representatives, February 1, 1836
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1231:
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Sir, I do firmly believe that domestic slavery regulated as ours is produces the highest toned, the purest, best organization of society that has ever existed on the face of the earth.
507:
By 1860, the Democratic Party was seen as "irrevocably wedded to the institution of Slavery...hand and heart". As the Southern armies began suffering defeats in the battlefield, the
391:
Calhoun sought to defend slavery as a positive good, and expanded his argument to condemn the North and industrial capitalism, asserting that slavery was "actually superior to the '
81:
movement in the United States in the late 18th century and early 19th century. Various forms of slavery had been practiced across the world for all of human history, but during the
364:
theory of natural slavery. Greek democracy along with the grandeur of the Roman republic provided Southerners with a perspective that great cultures and slavery were inseparable.
261:
A Democrat, Hammond was elected Governor of South Carolina in 1842. He was best known during his lifetime as an outspoken defender of the South and the institution of slavery.
465:"It is the duty of society to protect the weak;" but protection cannot be efficient without the power of control; therefore, "It is the duty of society to enslave the weak."
1330:
372:
instead of an evil, a good – a positive good. I feel myself called upon to speak freely upon the subject, where the honour and interests of those I represent are involved.
350:
for the remainder of his career. To Calhoun, slavery was a great benefit for an inferior race that had no ability to exercise their freedom positively. Calhoun argued:
929:
461:, and other ancient societies with democratic characteristics, all of which had slavery. Fitzhugh summed up his pro-slavery stance with the following argument:
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whites, if considered unfit. He believed that whites, if trained well and domesticated, could be as "faithful and valuable servants" as blacks.
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and mistress, and compare it with the forlorn and wretched condition of the pauper in the poor house" found in Europe and the Northern states.
168:
Americans redefined blackness by endowing it with a new hard edge and confining people of African descent to a place of permanent inferiority.
1702:
854:
294:
This theory supposes that there must be, and supposedly always has been, a lower class for the upper classes to rest upon: the metaphor of a
1014:
273:
511:
opined that the Southern Democrats' devotion to slavery held a "stubbornness of fond infatuation such as the world has seldom seen".
405:
109:
and we not only claim for ourselves the right to determine for ourselves the relations between master and slave, but we insist that
412:
that slave labor was the mechanics by which to maintain social control, calling it the "best guarantee for equality among whites".
24:
380:
Such an assertion was predicated on the virtues of benevolent paternalism, the glory of past civilizations, and the traditions of
1325:
1722:
1697:
1147:
1061:
31:
1520:
Speech of General J. Watson Webb, at the Great Mass Meeting on the Battle Ground of Tippecanoe, 60,000 Freeman in Council
125:
Characterizing American perceptions of slavery at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries in the 1998 documentary series
1163:
494:
had become not only the most ardent defenders of slavery, but the most important institutional supporters of slavery.
47:
1678:
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1094:
870:
804:
650:
629:
608:
430:
311:
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he described the transition in popular sentiments about the Africans and their descendants among ethnically European
78:
1629:
729:
1307:
1187:, "Recollecting Aristotle Pro-Slavery Thought in Antebellum America and the Argument of Politics Book 1" p. 247-278
980:
347:
1283:
433:, that their condition was far better than those of the white or black factory workers in the industrial North.
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1215:
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331:
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These and other arguments supported the propertied elite against what were perceived as threats from the
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208:
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understood that this was a violent world and that slaves were held in place only by white military power.
1451:
788:
367:
Attempting to claim the moral mantle for the social defense of involuntary servitude, Calhoun declared:
330:, a political theorist and the seventh Vice President of the United States. Calhoun was a leader of the
1349:, New York: Scribner, 1951. "John Quincy Adams and John Calhoun discuss the Compromise", March 2, 1820
1337:, New York: Scribner, 1951. "John Quincy Adams and John Calhoun discuss the Compromise", March 2, 1820
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Southerners, pointed to the ancient world to help them defend the institution of slavery, especially
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225:
152:
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67:
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976:
757:
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281:
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930:"The birthplace of American slavery debated abolishing it after Nat Turner's bloody revolt"
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but left by 1839. Though having refused to attend the inauguration of Democratic president
8:
1110:
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994:
520:
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from South Carolina spoke on the House floor for two hours about the perceived menace of
239:
204:
139:
82:
1547:"23 maps that explain how Democrats went from the party of racism to the party of Obama"
404:, Calhoun opposed the "equality upon birth" assertion that the Founders declared in the
1634:
789:"The "Positive Good" Thesis and Proslavery Arguments in Britain and America, 1701—1861"
663:
491:
483:
90:
86:
63:
20:
1392:"Paternalism and the Southern Hierarchy: How Slaves Defined Antebellum Southern Women"
55:
was one of the most prominent advocates of the "slavery as a positive good" viewpoint.
1674:
1658:
1202:
Defending Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Old South—A Brief History with Documents
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1118:
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1057:
884:
876:
866:
840:
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769:
646:
625:
604:
409:
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134:
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deny that slavery is sinful or inexpedient. We deny that it is wrong in the abstract.
954:
The Debate Over Slavery: Antislavery and Proslavery Liberalism in Antebellum America
858:
454:
343:
765:
Africans in America: America's Journey Through Slavery: Brotherly Love (1776-1834)
326:
The best-known political figure to defend black slavery as a "positive good", was
299:
or racial equality that ran counter to the theory would inevitably run counter to
62:
was the prevailing view of Southern politicians and intellectuals just before the
1459:
1347:
The Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795–1848
1334:
1327:
The Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795–1848
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1254:
1235:
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339:
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A well-known example of this new pro-enslavement approach was voiced by Governor
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We assert that it is the natural condition of man; that there ever has been, and
52:
35:"Five Orphan Children for sale...inquire at Slave Depot" advertisement placed by
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113:
whether we take into consideration the interests of the master or of the slave,
1475:
703:
497:
458:
295:
71:
1691:
1654:
998:
724:
36:
1616:, Columbia, South Carolina, Southern Guardian Steam-Power Press, 1962, p. 5.
888:
469:
Fitzhugh's views were influential and widely acknowledged in the South. The
822:
671:
392:
300:
216:
society, Dew's pro-slavery argument turned into a "positive good" defense.
862:
529:
842:
Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America
763:
321:
284:, who composed part of the "sacred circle" of proslavery intellectuals.
1176:
836:
539:
148:
1164:
A Positive Good – Teaching American History, 'Slavery a Positive Good'
504:"constitutional freedom" that was enshrined in the U.S. Constitution.
361:
111:
the slavery of the Southern States is the best regulation of slavery,
1574:, New York, NY: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2005, pp. 139–143.
1054:
Imagining Slaves and Robots in Literature, Film, and Popular Culture
120:
676:
Freedom on my mind: a history of African Americans, with documents
16:
Prevailing view in the Southern US prior to the American Civil War
1364:
The Culture of Defeat: On National Trauma, Mourning, and Recovery
742:
667:
160:
1248:"John C. Calhoun and Slavery as a "Positive Good:" What He Said"
880:
814:
249:
In that 1836 speech, Hammond attempted to justify the practice:
850:
574:
What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848
436:
1378:
Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World
1140:
Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833–1845
478:
The Southern Democrats' role in reshaping the issue of slavery
1663:
Educated in Tyranny: Slavery at Thomas Jefferson's University
1463:
Papers in Illinois History and Transactions for the year 1942
916:
The World the Slaveholders Made: Two Essays in Interpretation
219:
230:
203:
Another economic defense of slave labor came from economist
1142:. New York: Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. p. 422.
793:
Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in America
355:
has grown up under the fostering care of our institutions.
1495:
Sociology For The South: Or The Failure Of A Free Society
1426:
Sociology For The South: Or The Failure Of A Free Society
1257:
June 26, 2014, Abbeville Institute, Clyde Wilson Library
1181:
Ancient Slavery and Abolition: From Hobbes to Hollywood
735:
Africans in America: America's Journey Through Slavery
127:
Africans in America: America's Journey Through Slavery
1013:
643:
The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln.
211:, who downplayed the evil of owning humans after the
1274:"John C. Calhoun: The Man Who Started the Civil War"
1115:
The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln
190:
in his 1829 speech to South Carolina's legislators:
89:
opened up vast new territories ideally suited for a
1322:
John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union: A Biography
416:
Effects of the "positive good" argument for slavery
728:
662:
1586:"Why Andrew Jackson's Legacy is So Controversial"
829:
1689:
1117:. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 147–148.
535:Movement to reopen the transatlantic slave trade
1535:, Texas A&M University Press, 2007, p. 150.
1465:, The Illinois State Historical Society, p. 17.
1357:
1355:
314:, lower classes, and non-whites to gain higher
60:Slavery as a positive good in the United States
956:, New York University Press, 2000, pp. 100–102
1366:. New York: NY: Picador: A Metropolitan Book.
855:The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press
77:This stance arose in response to the growing
1652:
1380:, Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 186–189
1361:
1352:
1195:
1193:
437:George Fitzhugh's extreme defense of slavery
334:in the early nineteenth century who, in the
1522:, Third Edition, New York: NY, 1856, p. 57.
1452:"Southern Attitudes Toward Abraham Lincoln"
909:
907:
905:
903:
901:
899:
799:: University Press of Georgia. p. 97.
322:John C. Calhoun and "positive good" slavery
1624:
1622:
1396:Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History
1183:, Oxford University Press, 2011, Chap. 9,
1047:
1045:
220:James Henry Hammond and the mudsill theory
1583:
1533:The Moral Rhetoric of American Presidents
1507:Cannibals All!, or Slaves Without Masters
1439:Cannibals All!, or Slaves Without Masters
1199:
1190:
702:. August 29, 1835. p. 1 – via
588:Abraham Lincoln and Karl Marx in Dialogue
346:two years before, Calhoun voted with the
207:, professor at and then president of the
129:, the historian Douglas R. Egerton said:
1713:Social history of the American Civil War
1708:Historiography of the American Civil War
1509:, Richmond, VA, A. Morris, 1857, p. 278.
1497:, Richmond, VA, A. Morris, 1854, p. 170.
1389:
966:
964:
962:
913:
896:
229:
147:the time were members of what historian
46:
30:
25:Treatment of slaves in the United States
1619:
1428:, Richmond, VA, A. Morris, 1854, p. 46.
1296:
1109:
1076:
1051:
1042:
993:
839:(1998). "Making Race, Making Slavery".
590:, Oxford University Press, 2018, p. 55.
1718:Politics of the Southern United States
1690:
1544:
1271:
1137:
1003:. Washington, D.C. pp. 11–12, 15.
835:
782:
780:
778:
567:
565:
121:The "positive good" defense of slavery
1608:
1606:
1267:
1265:
1263:
973:James Henry Hammond and the Old South
970:
959:
723:
545:Tom Cotton's statements about slavery
1703:White supremacy in the United States
786:
571:
1584:Blakemore, Erin (August 29, 2018).
1545:Prokop, Andrew (December 8, 2014).
1079:Capital in the Twenty-First Century
775:
717:
562:
13:
1646:
1630:"Slavery and the Democratic Party"
1603:
1572:Andrew Jackson: His Life and Times
1406:from the original on March 4, 2020
1260:
1179:, and Justine McConnell, editors,
338:, initially joined the proslavery
14:
1734:
1657:(2019). "Proslavery Thought". In
1390:Mulligan, Erin R. (August 2012).
1272:Rafuse, Ethan S. (October 2002).
238:On February 1, 1836, Congressman
1228:"Slavery a Positive Good" speech
1052:Hampton, Gregory Jerome (2015).
981:Louisiana State University Press
431:the many abolitionist newspapers
1638:. February 20, 1864. p. 6.
1577:
1564:
1538:
1525:
1512:
1500:
1487:
1468:
1444:
1431:
1418:
1383:
1370:
1362:Schivelbusch, Wolfgang (2004).
1340:
1314:
1290:
1240:
1220:
1208:
1169:
1156:
1131:
1103:
1070:
1007:
987:
946:
922:
694:"The Excitement — The Fanatics"
66:, as opposed to seeing it as a
1056:. Lexington Book. p. 25.
918:. New York, NY: Vintage Books.
686:
656:
635:
614:
593:
580:
1:
1723:Lost Cause of the Confederacy
555:
155:and in his pivotal 1998 work
1698:Slavery in the United States
1671:University of Virginia Press
1303:A Disquisition on Government
1037:Lippincott, Grambo & Co.
914:Genovese, Eugene D. (1971).
730:"Brotherly Love (1776-1834)"
572:Howe, Daniel Walker (2007).
550:Knights of the Golden Circle
401:A Disquisition on Government
7:
1661:; Nelson, Louis P. (eds.).
1482:Southern Literary Messenger
971:Faust, Drew Gilpin (1982).
787:Tise, Larry Edward (1974).
739:WGBH Educational Foundation
622:American Slavery 1619-1877.
601:American Slavery 1619-1877.
514:
406:Declaration of Independence
332:Democratic-Republican Party
213:Virginia House of Burgesses
209:College of William and Mary
115:that has ever been devised.
107:there ever will be slavery;
10:
1739:
1333:September 8, 2019, at the
1324:, LSU Press, 1993, p. 85,
1138:Remini, Robert V. (1984).
935:December 28, 2019, at the
795:(Thesis) (1987 ed.).
576:. Oxford University Press.
223:
18:
1667:Charlottesville, Virginia
1484:Volume 31, Issue 3, 1860.
153:revolutionary generations
133:The planter class in the
1612:James Henley Thornwell,
1253:October 6, 2019, at the
1234:October 6, 2019, at the
1200:Finkelman, Paul (2003).
1087:Harvard University Press
1083:Cambridge, Massachusetts
1077:Piketty, Thomas (2014).
847:Cambridge, Massachusetts
425:an inherently inferior "
270:The Pro-Slavery Argument
226:Gag rule (United States)
1614:Our Danger and Our Duty
1458:April 11, 2016, at the
1441:, 1857, Preface, p. ix.
1204:. Bedford/St. Martin's.
1450:Craven, Avery (1944).
977:Baton Rouge, Louisiana
928:Gregory S. Schneider,
758:Alexander Street Press
525:Confederate literature
467:
374:
357:
259:
235:
197:
180:
170:
144:
118:
68:crime against humanity
56:
44:
1166:" (February 6, 1837).
482:Founded in 1828, the
463:
369:
352:
282:William Gilmore Simms
251:
233:
192:
175:
165:
163:of North America as,
131:
99:
50:
34:
1673:. pp. 141–170.
1111:Wilentz, Robert Sean
1019:Hammond, James Henry
995:Hammond, James Henry
941:The Washington Post
741:. 8:00 minutes in.
710:Washington Telegraph
680:Bedford/St. Martin's
672:Martin Jr., Waldo E.
268:Hammond co-authored
41:New Orleans Crescent
1531:Colleen J. Shogan,
1376:David Brion Davis,
1230:, February 6, 1837
708:Reprinted from the
521:Anti-Tom literature
492:Third Party Systems
336:Second Party System
316:standards of living
278:Thomas Roderick Dew
240:James Henry Hammond
234:James Henry Hammond
205:Thomas Roderick Dew
157:Many Thousands Gone
140:American Revolution
83:American Revolution
51:American statesman
1659:McInnis, Maurie D.
1635:The New York Times
1162:John C. Calhoun, "
952:David F. Ericson,
484:Southern Democrats
236:
91:plantation economy
87:Louisiana Purchase
64:American Civil War
57:
45:
21:Proslavery thought
1493:George Fitzhugh,
1478:and his Lost Book
1437:George Fitzhugh,
1424:George Fitzhugh,
1310:on April 2, 2019.
1286:on March 6, 2020.
1226:John C. Calhoun,
1214:John C. Calhoun,
1149:978-0-8018-5913-7
1063:978-0-7391-9146-0
1023:Simms, W. Gilmore
664:White, Deborah G.
471:Richmond Enquirer
410:John Quincy Adams
398:In his manifesto
188:Stephen D. Miller
135:Age of Revolution
1730:
1684:
1653:Howard, Thomas;
1640:
1639:
1626:
1617:
1610:
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1600:
1598:
1596:
1581:
1575:
1568:
1562:
1561:
1559:
1557:
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1529:
1523:
1518:J. Watson Webb,
1516:
1510:
1504:
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1381:
1374:
1368:
1367:
1359:
1350:
1344:
1338:
1318:
1312:
1311:
1306:. Archived from
1298:Calhoun, John C.
1294:
1288:
1287:
1282:. Archived from
1269:
1258:
1244:
1238:
1224:
1218:
1212:
1206:
1205:
1197:
1188:
1175:Richard Alston,
1173:
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1135:
1129:
1128:
1107:
1101:
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1074:
1068:
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1049:
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1039:
1035:. Philadelphia:
1011:
1005:
1004:
991:
985:
984:
968:
957:
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911:
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833:
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732:
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714:
690:
684:
683:
660:
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639:
633:
624:(2003 revision)
620:Kolchin, Peter.
618:
612:
603:(2003 revision)
599:Kolchin, Peter.
597:
591:
586:Allan Kulikoff,
584:
578:
577:
569:
455:Classical Athens
348:Democratic Party
344:Martin Van Buren
1738:
1737:
1733:
1732:
1731:
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1728:
1727:
1688:
1687:
1681:
1649:
1647:Further reading
1644:
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1319:
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1279:Civil War Times
1270:
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1255:Wayback Machine
1245:
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1236:Wayback Machine
1225:
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947:
937:Wayback Machine
927:
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857:. p. 358.
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797:Athens, Georgia
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641:Wilentz, Sean.
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581:
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563:
558:
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442:George Fitzhugh
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382:white supremacy
340:Nullifier Party
328:John C. Calhoun
324:
256:
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228:
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53:John C. Calhoun
27:
17:
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1467:
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1123:
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1069:
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1027:Dew, Thomas R.
1006:
986:
958:
945:
943:, June 1, 2019
921:
895:
871:
863:2027/heb.00069
828:
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725:Jones, Jacquie
716:
704:newspapers.com
685:
655:
653:. pp. 218-220.
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509:New York Times
498:Andrew Jackson
479:
476:
459:Roman Republic
438:
435:
417:
414:
323:
320:
296:mudsill theory
289:Mudsill Speech
287:In his famous
274:William Harper
221:
218:
122:
119:
72:necessary evil
15:
9:
6:
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1593:. Retrieved
1589:
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1554:. Retrieved
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1408:. Retrieved
1399:
1395:
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1346:
1342:
1326:
1321:
1320:John Niven,
1316:
1308:the original
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756:– via
750:. Retrieved
734:
719:
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675:
658:
642:
637:
632:. pp. 65-68.
621:
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611:. pp. 63-64.
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530:Fire-Eaters
362:Aristotle's
151:called the
1692:Categories
1177:Edith Hall
747:Transcript
678:. Boston:
556:References
540:Proslavery
224:See also:
149:Ira Berlin
19:See also:
762:See also
178:pittance.
1456:Archived
1410:July 17,
1404:Archived
1331:Archived
1300:(1840).
1251:Archived
1232:Archived
1113:(2005).
1029:(1853).
997:(1836).
933:Archived
889:55720074
881:98019336
815:86014671
727:(1998).
674:(2013).
668:Bay, Mia
515:See also
303:itself.
265:slaves.
161:settlers
1595:July 9,
1590:HISTORY
1556:July 9,
823:5897726
645:(2005)
39:in the
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457:, the
280:, and
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272:with
70:or a
1675:ISBN
1597:2022
1558:2022
1412:2020
1144:ISBN
1119:ISBN
1091:ISBN
1058:ISBN
885:OCLC
877:LCCN
867:ISBN
849:and
819:OCLC
811:LCCN
801:ISBN
770:IMDb
754:2020
743:WGBH
647:ISBN
626:ISBN
605:ISBN
523:and
490:and
427:race
101:e...
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