1416:
burden on its shoulders, the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia, and its leader, the RCP, cannot enter the field of the impending new international shocks in any other way than with the perspective of failure along the entire front of proletarian struggle. Of course, it would at first glance be easiest of all to resolve the question in the following sense: in view of the situation, there is not and there cannot be any place now for raising the questions of changing the party's course, of placing on the agenda new and complex tasks, etc., etc. But it is absolutely clear that such a point of view would be a position of officially closing one's eyes to the actual situation, since the entire danger lies in the fact that there is no genuine ideological or practical unity in the face of exceedingly complex domestic and foreign situations. In the party, the more silently and secretly the struggle is waged, the more ferocious it becomes. If we raise this question before the
Central Committee, then it is precisely in order to find the swiftest and most painless resolution of the contradictions which are tearing the party apart, and to rapidly place the party on healthy foundations. We need real unity in discussions and in actions. The impending ordeals require the unanimous, fraternal, absolutely conscious, extremely energetic, and extremely unified activity of all the members of our party.
1375:, which spontaneously turned into the basic currency before the liquidation of the budget deficit; we face a credit crisis in which the State Bank cannot, without the risk of severe shocks, finance not only industry and the trade of industrial goods, but even the purchase of grain for export; we face the cessation of the sale of industrial goods because of high prices, which can be explained, on the one hand, by the complete absence of planned, organizational leadership in industry, and on the other, by incorrect credit policy; we face the impossibility of carrying out the grain export program because of the inability to purchase grain; we face extremely low prices for food products, which are ruinous for the peasantry and which threaten massive cutbacks in agricultural production; we face the interruption of wage payments, which evokes the natural dissatisfaction of the workers; we face budget chaos, which directly creates chaos in the government apparatus; "revolutionary" means of cutbacks in drawing up the budget and new, unplanned cutbacks during its realization have gone from being temporary measures to a permanent phenomenon, which relentlessly jolts the state apparatus and, as a result of the absence of planning in the cutbacks - causes accidental and spontaneous shocks to it.
1399:
sort, are afraid to speak about it at party gatherings; even worse, they are afraid to talk to one another unless they consider their interlocutor to be absolutely reliable, in the sense of not being "talkative"; free discussion within the party has virtually disappeared, party public opinion has been stifled. Now it is not the party, it is not the party's broad masses who nominate and choose provincial conferences and party congresses, which in turn nominate and choose provincial committees and the
Central Committee of the RCP. On the contrary, it is the secretarial hierarchy, the party hierarchy which to an ever greater degree chooses the delegates to the conferences and congresses, which to an ever greater degree are becoming the executive conferences of this hierarchy. The regime which has been established within the party is absolutely intolerable; it is killing the independence of the party, replacing the party with a selected bureaucratic apparatus which functions smoothly during normal times, but which inevitably misfires during moments of crisis, and which threatens to become absolutely helpless when confronted with the serious events which lie ahead.
1289:, the system of appointment within the party did not have one tenth of the extent that it has now. Appointment of the secretaries of provincial committees is now the rule. That creates for the secretary a position essentially independent of the local organization. The bureaucratization of the party apparatus has developed to unheard-of proportions by means of the method of secretarial selection. There has been created a very broad stratum of party workers, entering into the apparatus of the government of the party, who completely renounce their own party opinion, at least the open expression of it, as though assuming that the secretarial hierarchy is the apparatus which creates party opinion and party decisions. Beneath this stratum, abstaining from their own opinions, there lies the broad mass of the party, before whom every decision stands in the form of a summons or a command.
1395:
to leading posts in the workers' dictatorship. Rather we explain it by the fact that, under the guise of official unity, we actually have a one-sided selection of personnel, who can adapt to the views and sympathies of a narrow circle, and a one-sided direction of activity. As a result of the party leadership being distorted by such narrow considerations, the party has to a significant degree ceased to be that living, independent collective which is sensitive to the changes in living reality, precisely because it is connected with thousands of threads to this reality. Instead of this, we observe an ever progressing, barely disguised division of the party into a secretarial hierarchy and into "laymen", into professional party functionaries, chosen from above, and the other party masses, who take no part in social life.
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discussion of the most acute questions. And such a discussion could have revealed, without any difficulty, the unhealthy character of these tendencies, both to the party masses, and to the majority of their participants. As a result, we have seen the formation of illegal groupings, which draw party members away from the party, and we have witnessed the party losing contact with the working masses.
1536:
I do not agree with a number of assessments in the first part of the declaration; I do not agree with a number of characterizations of the inner-party situation. At the same time I am deeply convinced that the state of the party demands the adopting of radical measures, for things are not well in the
1394:
We explain this not by the political incapability of the present party leaders; on the contrary, no matter how much we differ with them in evaluating the situation and in choosing the methods to change it, we think that today's leaders under any conditions couldn't help but be appointed by the party
1671:
I am not fully in agreement with the first part, which speaks about the economic situation of the country; the latter is indeed very serious and demands great attention, but up until now the party has not advanced people who would have been able to lead better than those who have been leading until
1406:
has outlived itself. Many of us consciously chose not to resist such a regime. The about-face of 1921, followed by Lenin's illness, demanded, as far as some of us were concerned, a dictatorship within the party as a temporary measure. Other comrades from the very beginning reacted to it skeptically
1398:
This is a fact which is well known to every member of the party. Members of the party who are dissatisfied with this or that directive from the CC or even a provincial committee, or who are plagued by doubts, or who have noted "to themselves" various mistakes, things out of line or disorder of some
1359:
The haphazard, poorly thought through, and unsystematic decisions of the CC, which hasn't made ends meet in the economy, have led to a situation where, given the presence of undoubtedly major successes in the realm of industry, agriculture, finances and transport, - successes which were achieved by
1355:
The extreme seriousness of the situation forces us (in the interests of our party, in the interests of the working class) to tell you openly that continuation of the policy of the majority of the
Politburo threatens the entire party with grave misfortune. The economic and financial crisis beginning
1441:
While not agreeing with certain points in this letter explaining the causes of the situation which has developed, and feeling that the party has come up against problems which cannot fully be resolved by the methods employed up until now, I fully endorse the final conclusion of the present letter.
1411:
this regime had become obsolete. It began to show the other side of the coin. The inner-party bonds began to weaken. The party began to wither. Extreme oppositional, even openly unhealthy, tendencies within the party began to take on an anti-party character, for there was no inner-party, comradely
1386:
All these are elements of an economic, credit and financial crisis which has already begun. If we do not immediately take extensive, well thought out, planned and energetic measures, if the present lack of leadership continues, we face the possibility of unusually sharp economic shocks, inevitably
1508:
The situation in the party and the international situation are such that they demand the extraordinary concentration and unity of party forces more than ever before. While ascribing to the declaration, I view it exclusively as an attempt to create unity in the party and to prepare it for upcoming
1415:
If the situation which has developed is not radically changed in the very near future, the economic crisis in Soviet Russia and the crisis of the fractional dictatorship within the party will strike heavy blows to the workers' dictatorship in Russia and to the
Russian Communist Party. With such a
1422:
In order to realize all that has been outlined above, and to take the necessary measures to extricate ourselves from the economic, political and party crisis, we propose that the CC, as a first and most urgent step, call a conference of members of the CC with the most prominent and active party
1660:
I am in agreement with the part outlining the economic and political situation of the country. I feel that in the part which depicts the inner-party situation, a certain exaggeration has been allowed. It is absolutely necessary to immediately take measures to preserve the unity of the party.
1466:
In general, I share the thoughts of this appeal. The need for a direct and open approach to all our sore points is so overdue, that I fully support the proposal to call the indicated conference, in order to choose the practical ways capable of leading us out of the accumulated difficulties.
1387:
bound up with domestic political complications and with the complete paralysis of our foreign activity and capability. And the latter, as everyone understands, is now more necessary than ever before; upon it depends the fate of the world revolution and the working class of all countries.
1509:
events. Naturally, at the present moment there can be no talk of inner-party struggle in any form whatsoever. It is necessary for the CC to soberly assess the situation and to adopt urgent measures to eliminate dissatisfaction within the party, as well as within the non-party masses.
1360:
the economy of the nation spontaneously, not thanks to but in spite of the inadequate leadership, or, to be more precise, the absence of any leadership, - we are faced not only with the perspective of the halting of these successes, but with a severe crisis of the economy as a whole.
1356:
at the end of July this year, with all the political consequences flowing from it, including those within the party, has mercilessly revealed the inadequacy of the party leadership, both in the economic realm, and especially in the area of inner-party relations.
1572:
I am in complete agreement with the evaluation of the economic situation. I consider the weakening of the political dictatorship at the present moment to be dangerous, but things must be aired out. I find a conference to be absolutely necessary.
1390:
In precisely the same way, we see in the realm of inner-party relations the same incorrect leadership, paralyzing and demoralizing the party, which is particularly clearly felt during the crisis we are passing through.
1672:
now. Regarding the question of the inner-party situation, I feel that there is a significant portion of truth in everything which has been said, and I consider it necessary to take emergency measures.
1652:
Since during recent times I have been somewhat removed from the work of the party centers, I abstain from the judgements of the two leading paragraphs of the introductory part; I agree with the rest.
581:
1419:
The fractional regime must be eliminated, and this must be done first of all by those who have created it; it must be replaced by a regime of comradely unity and inner-party democracy.
1613:
I sign with the same reservations as Bubnov, sharing neither the form, nor the tone, which all the more convinces me to agree with the practical part of the given declaration.
1423:
cadres, in order that the list of those invited include a number of comrades who have views concerning the situation which differ from the views of the majority of the CC.
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into encyclopedic content, rather than merely a copy of the source text, please do so and remove this message. Otherwise, you can help by formatting it per the
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sent a letter to the
Central Committee and the Central Control Commission which attributed the difficulties to the lack of intraparty democracy. Trotsky wrote:
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The situation which has developed is explained by the fact that the regime of fractional dictatorship within the party which unfolded after the
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Scissors: retail and wholesale prices of agricultural and industrial goods in the Soviet Union July 1922 to November 1923.
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later that year. The signatories had pointed to issues with the party ban and also called for a review of
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1923 secret letter from leading Soviet communists to the Soviet
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party at the present time. I fully share the practical proposal.
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1786:(in English, contains errors), London, 1954, pp. 367–373. (
1227:. The vast majority of the signatories were executed during the
1775:, (in Russian) in 4 volumes, Volume 1 (1923-1926), compiled by
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Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
1343:"Declaration of the 46" to the Politburo of the CC RCP(b)
1721:
Hegemony and Class
Struggle: Trotsky, Gramsci and Marxism
1695:"Leon Trotsky: Bureaucratism and Factional Groups (1923)"
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I am in complete agreement with the practical proposals.
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I sign with the same reservations as comrade Bubnov.
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1192:) was a secret letter sent by a group of 46 leading
1243:ran into significant difficulties arising from the
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International Committee of the Fourth International
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Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma
1371:We stand before the approaching break-down of the
903:Committee for a Workers' International (refounded)
1795:
1293:One week later, the Declaration of 46 followed.
1207:on 15 October 1923. The declaration followed
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1223:introduced in the Tenth Congress through a
1045:List of Trotskyist organizations by country
757:Organisation of Communist Internationalists
1157:
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1377:
1362:
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1266:In September to October 1923, the much
1259:, were uncovered and suppressed by the
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1796:
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438:Ernest Mandel
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60: –
59:
55:
54:Find sources:
48:
42:
41:
37:
32:This article
30:
26:
21:
20:
1783:
1782:E. H. Carr.
1772:
1753:. Retrieved
1749:
1740:
1720:
1713:
1702:. Retrieved
1698:
1689:
1670:
1659:
1651:
1642:Mikh. Zhakov
1612:
1604:
1596:
1592:V. Yakovleva
1588:A. E. Minkin
1585:P. Kovalenko
1571:
1568:F. Lokatskov
1535:
1532:G. Khorechko
1529:P. Mesyatsev
1520:L. Sosnovsky
1507:
1465:
1452:
1440:
1421:
1418:
1414:
1404:Xth Congress
1401:
1397:
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1354:
1351:
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1345:
1342:
1314:
1292:
1276:
1265:
1254:
1248:
1238:
1209:Leon Trotsky
1169:
1168:
1079:
1065:Shachtmanism
1012:
962:
961:
897:
823:
822:
736:
648:
608:
598:
580:
570:
560:
550:
540:
530:
520:
498:Peter Taaffe
488:Ivan Smirnov
458:Michel Pablo
433:Livio Maitan
393:Pierre Frank
333:Martin Abern
328:Leon Trotsky
262:United front
157:Anti-fascism
105:
96:
86:
79:
72:
65:
53:
33:
1648:N. Nikolaev
1624:V. Vaganian
1617:I. Poliudov
1548:A. Voronsky
1525:Danishevsky
1504:A. Goltsman
1500:T. Sapronov
1485:G. Piatakov
1349:Top Secret
1229:Great Purge
1215:within the
971:(1974–2019)
684:Great Purge
674:French Turn
493:Tạ Thu Thâu
448:David North
413:Gerry Healy
373:Ross Dowson
353:Hugo Blanco
1798:Categories
1755:2020-06-22
1704:2020-06-22
1681:References
1645:A. Puzakov
1635:R. Farbman
1631:A. Lobanov
1620:O. Shmidel
1609:M. Levitin
1577:Kaganovich
1553:V. Smirnov
1495:N. Muralov
1432:B. Breslav
1321:Wikisource
1235:Background
1197:communists
963:Historical
824:Historical
542:New Course
503:Alan Woods
463:J. Posadas
388:Tony Cliff
383:Chen Duxiu
378:Hal Draper
300:Third camp
134:Trotskyism
69:newspapers
36:references
1676:F. Dudnik
1628:I. Stukov
1601:B. Eltsin
1565:V. Kosior
1542:A. Bubnov
1201:Politburo
1183:romanized
1087:Stalinism
478:Lev Sedov
398:Ted Grant
338:Tariq Ali
99:June 2023
1462:M. Alsky
1319:over to
1014:Chavismo
423:Lal Khan
310:Pabloism
305:Posadism
289:Branches
207:Leninism
202:Entryism
151:Concepts
126:a series
124:Part of
1767:Sources
1581:Drobnis
1558:E. Bosh
1317:copying
1279:Trotsky
1272:Germany
1203:of the
1199:to the
1185::
1174:Russian
1008:Campism
898:Current
737:Current
733:Parties
626:History
83:scholar
1728:
1656:Averin
1562:I. Byk
1329:edited
1194:Soviet
1050:Maoism
706:May 68
614:(2017)
604:(1984)
594:(1946)
586:(1938)
576:(1936)
566:(1930)
556:(1924)
546:(1924)
536:(1924)
526:(1920)
322:People
85:
78:
71:
64:
56:
90:JSTOR
76:books
1726:ISBN
1297:Text
1253:and
62:news
1270:in
38:to
1800::
1748:.
1697:.
1263:.
1231:.
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128:on
49:.
1790:)
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1172:(
1158:e
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106:(
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97:(
87:·
80:·
73:·
66:·
43:.
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