711:. For example, a lord would recruit into his affinity some who could provide him with military service, but others who did not; some who were formally retained and some who were not; and ultimately every individual was recruited with mutual benefit at the heart of their relationships. The affinity itself would change depending on whether it was a time of war or peace, or whether it was in an area where the lord was strong. Seen in the context of playing multiple roles, it has been called a "socio-political-military joint-stock enterprise" that helped uphold noble authority without needing a basis in feudalism itself. In the mid-fifteenth century, it could vary in organization from being secured almost exclusively by military indenture (for example, the affinity of
71:
40:
514:
629:
could include several hundred 'King's knights' and esquires, retained with hard cash. In fact, the amounts the crown spent on its regional affinity were the cause of much of the discontent over royal expenditure that
Richard II, for example, faced in 1397. Likewise, John of Gaunt's affinity increased by half between 1381 and the early 1390s and cost him far greater sums than the 10% of income that magnates generally expended on their retinues. Gaunt used it to defend his position against the crown as Richard II's reign became increasingly erratic, and his son,
633:, inherited it in 1399, and found it a ready-made army that allowed him to overthrow Richard. In very similar circumstances, in 1471, Edward IV, returning from exile to reclaim his throne, gathered his affinity with him as he marched south, and it has been said that "it was as master of such an affinity that at Barnet and Tewkesbury King Edward won a wider mastery". The earl of Salisbury, also using his affinity as a show of strength in 1458, attended a
537:'s affinity as "a series of concentric circles" with him at the centre. It has been noted that a lord only had to gather a relatively small number of people around in areas where he was strong, as members of his affinity supported not only him but also each other; thus, the number of men who could come to his aid was often far greater than the number of men he actually knew. These were men the lord trusted: for example, in 1459, on the verge of the
586:
723:
local stability where this occurred. At the same time, even powerful magnates such as Gaunt could cause local dissatisfaction by retaining some and, inevitably, excluding others. On the other hand, it has also been pointed out how, particularly for kings, recruitment into the affinity was a clear promotion which could act as an encouraging loyalty or offered a political amnesty.
703:, and little more than his personal thugs. The only connection noted between members of the affinity and the retaining lord was a military one. This then led them to see the emergence of noble affinities as directly responsible, in part at least, for the decline in social order in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. But as
568:
said. A contemporary described these as "kin, friendis, allys and parttakaris" ("kin, friends, allies, and partakers") to the lord. Members of the affinity could usually be identified by the livery the lord would distribute for their identification with him; this could range from simple armbands to
722:
Recently it has been questioned whether a royal affinity could actually work in the same way as a noble one. It has been suggested that since the king had to be a lord to his retainers and provide good lordship, but also king to the entire people, a contradiction existed, resulting in a decline in
628:
In
Richard's case, it has been suggested it was for the purpose of building up royal power to counteract the pre-existing affinities of the nobility and strengthen his own power. Indeed, they were at the heart of the army Richard took to Ireland on his 1399 campaign, prior to his deposition. This
690:
The traditional view among historians was that the affinity was a thirteenth-century construction that arose out of the nobility and crown's need to recruit armies, against a backdrop of declining feudal service failing to provide troops.
441:
gathered around himself in his service; it has been described by one modern historian as "the servants, retainers, and other followers of a lord", and as "part of the normal fabric of society". It is considered a fundamental aspect of
620:
of earlier kings. By the fifteenth century, most regional agents of the crown were considered to be in the king's affinity, as they had a closer connection to the crown than ordinary subjects. By the reign of Henry VI,
732:
670:, had an affinity whose "collective influence was as powerful as the most powerful lords," even if with less of a military. They could also be expanded through the course of events;
707:
has put it, their unfavourable judgements have largely been replaced by a more sympathetic account that acknowledges the affinity as an essential element in the mechanics of
564:
did in the later fourteenth century, recruit people into his affinity regardless of their social weight, as an expression of his "courtly and chivalric ambitions", as
529:
wrote, was that the former did the lord "exclusive service" but the latter received his good lordship "in ways both more and less permanent" than the retainers.
505:
gathered bodies of men—often from among his tenants—from his estates in
Lincoln, who were still linked to the earl feudally through their tenure of his land.
577:. The members of the affinity closest to the lord were those of most use: the estate officials, treasurer, stewards, and often more than one lawyer.
708:
970:
465:
to be worn by the retainer and "maintenance" or his support in their disputes, which often constituted obstruction of judicial processes.
412:
534:
542:
485:
connection to him. Rather than receiving land, these men received grants of office and the security of
Pembroke's proximity to
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1465:
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1112:
Robertson, C. A., 'Local
Government and the King's 'affinity' in fifteenth-century Leicestershire and Warwickshire',
550:
1480:
1475:
658:, although, as a churchman, his affinity was political rather than military. They were not also confined to men:
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405:
70:
502:
333:
258:
77:
33:
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estimated that the number of squires employed by the king in the localities increased from 150 to over 300.
39:
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retainers, and beyond them was a more amorphous group of general supporters and contacts. The difference,
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565:
1449:
712:
398:
17:
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494:
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meeting with an affinity of about 400 horsemen and eighty knights and squires; the contemporary
612:, for political as well as martial motives. They were therefore at a greater distance from the
513:
481:, who by 1190 had gathered a force around him consisting of men without necessarily any strong
426:
1356:
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1407:
1329:
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1143:
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273:
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bands"; high-ranking members of John of Gaunt's retinue—a "highly prized" position—wore the
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212:
168:
62:
44:
8:
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103:
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596:: In the later fourteenth century, his affinity was second only to that of the king.
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617:
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353:
696:
574:
526:
283:
153:
84:
914:
Carpenter, C., 'The
Beauchamp Affinity: A Study of Bastard Feudalism at Work',
827:
Carpenter, C., 'The
Beauchamp Affinity: A Study of Bastard Feudalism at Work',
655:
651:
639:
313:
288:
203:
138:
113:
52:
968:
Goodman, A., 'John of Gaunt: Paradigm of the Late
Fourteenth-Century Crisis',
556:
The lord would often include men in positions of local authority, for example
549:
and took their advice before publicly coming out in support of the rebellious
517:
Middleham Castle was the centre of the earl of
Salisbury's Yorkshire affinity.
1459:
692:
663:
634:
613:
589:
561:
343:
328:
1267:
Three
Medieval Queens: Queenship and the Crown in Fourteenth-Century England
875:
Nobility and Kingship in Medieval England: The Earls and Edward I, 1272–1307
1054:
Given-Wilson, C., 'The King and the Gentry in Fourteenth-Century England',
679:
462:
373:
278:
48:
1432:
Morgan, D. A. L., 'The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England',
1290:
Morgan, D. A. L., 'The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England',
1211:
Morgan, D. A. L., 'The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England',
929:
Medieval Gentry: Power, Leadership and Choice during the Wars of the Roses
622:
268:
248:
208:
188:
1393:
1315:
368:
108:
1386:
Loyalte me Lie': Richard III and affinity politics in northern England
1308:
Loyalte me Lie': Richard III and affinity politics in northern England
800:
700:
585:
451:
388:
318:
303:
128:
715:) to being based more on blood and marital connections, as with the
699:, saw the affinity as being effectively synonymous with the lord's
308:
293:
228:
133:
118:
1409:
Political Culture in Late Medieval England: Essays by Simon Walker
1331:
Political Culture in Late Medieval England: Essays by Simon Walker
1188:
Political Culture in Late Medieval England: Essays by Simon Walker
1031:
Political Culture in Late Medieval England: Essays by Simon Walker
840:
Crouch, David, & D. A. Carpenter. 'Bastard Feudalism Revised'
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Retainers and fee'd men of Richard Neville, 5th Earl of Salisbury
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447:
434:
378:
363:
298:
243:
238:
218:
143:
1226:
Margaret of Anjou: Queenship and Power in Late Medieval England
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has described it as a "personal, not feudal" connection, which
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474:
358:
178:
148:
123:
1000:
755:
Maintenance, Meed, and Marriage in Medieval English Literature
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family and their retainers directly into the royal household.
1089:
Armies and Warfare in the Middle Ages: The English Experience
223:
501:
relationship. On the other hand, a hundred years later, the
438:
233:
98:
1004:
Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in Medieval England
804:
Historical Dictionary of Late Medieval England, 1272–1485
569:"a more exclusive form of livery—exclusive metal mounted
560:, within his affinity. On the other hand, he might, as
545:
gathered the closest members of his affinity to him in
1239:
From Lord to Patron: Lordship in Late Medieval England
985:
Lords and Men in Scotland: Bonds of Manrent, 1442–1603
1170:
Lords and Men in Scotland: Bonds of Manrent 1442–1603
608:
had created their own affinities within the regional
1145:
Revolution and Consumption in Late Medieval England
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908:
796:
794:
792:
790:
788:
1450:"What was ‘Livery and Maintenance’?" by Tim Lambon
1263:
1067:Coss, P. R., 'Bastard Feudalism Revised – Reply',
953:Walker, S. K., 'Yorkshire Justices of the Peace',
900:England in the Fifteenth Century: Collected Essays
1085:
1081:
1079:
871:
801:Ronald H. Fritze; William Baxter Robison (2002).
1457:
1141:
905:
785:
1388:(University of California Irvine thesis, ), 4.
1310:(University of California Irvine thesis, ), 3.
942:Warwick the Kingmaker: Politics, Power and Fame
1180:
1178:
1076:
867:
865:
863:
1334:. Manchester University Press. pp. 17–.
1191:. Manchester University Press. pp. 17–.
1137:
1135:
878:. Cambridge University Press. pp. 127–.
406:
1434:Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
1405:
1327:
1292:Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
1213:Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
1184:
1034:. Manchester University Press. pp. 2–.
1027:
994:
971:Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
616:, but they were also more numerous than the
1399:
1354:
1175:
1021:
860:
807:. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 3–.
521:Central to a noble affinity was the lord's
1412:. Manchester University Press. p. 3.
1321:
1132:
751:
745:
457:One form of the relationship was known as
413:
399:
1348:
1001:Peter R. Coss; Maurice Hugh Keen (2002).
646:Affinities were not confined to kings or
1257:
1092:. Yale University Press. pp. 353–.
584:
512:
38:
1358:Essays in Later Medieval French History
1270:. Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 84–.
600:By the late Middle Ages, kings such as
27:Group of men a lord gathered around him
14:
1458:
1148:. Boydell & Brewer. pp. 57–.
78:Harold Sacramentum Fecit Willelmo Duci
872:Andrew M. Spencer (31 October 2013).
479:William Marshal, 1st Earl of Pembroke
433:was a collective name for the group (
580:
533:has described the structure of the
24:
25:
1492:
1443:
685:
473:One of the earliest identifiable
1361:. A&C Black. pp. 239–.
780:The Later Middle Ages, 1272–1485
643:estimated it at around 500 men.
446:, and acted as a means of tying
69:
1426:
1375:
1297:
1284:
1244:
1231:
1218:
1205:
1162:
1127:The Fifteenth Century 1399–1485
1119:
1106:
1061:
1048:
1007:. Boydell Press. pp. 95–.
977:
962:
947:
934:
921:
654:maintained an affinity in many
450:to the lower nobility, just as
1252:Later Medieval Kent, 1220–1540
892:
847:
834:
821:
772:
508:
334:Peerages in the United Kingdom
13:
1:
1241:(Philadelphia, 1989), 172–73.
1228:(Woodbridge, 2003), 154 n.68.
1058:, 5th ser. 38 (1987), 87–102.
738:
650:; in the 1420s, for example,
497:called an early example of a
454:had done in a different way.
259:Feudal land tenure in England
34:Affinity (Catholic canon law)
1355:P. L. Lewis (15 July 2010).
7:
1466:Society in medieval England
1264:Lisa Benz St. John (2012).
726:
10:
1497:
1086:Michael Prestwich (1999).
468:
437:) of (usually) men whom a
31:
1471:Medieval English nobility
1142:Michael A. Hicks (2001).
956:English Historical Review
758:. Springer. pp. 7–.
1254:(Woodbridge, 2010), 241.
1250:Sweetinburgh, S. (ed.),
1172:(Edinburgh, 1985), 77ff.
32:Not to be confused with
1481:16th century in England
1476:15th century in England
902:(London, 1981), 27 n.2.
782:(Edinburgh, 1962), 167.
477:affinities was that of
944:(London, 2007), p. 38.
713:William, Lord Hastings
674:'s covert marriage to
597:
518:
459:livery and maintenance
427:post-classical history
56:
1406:Simon Walker (2006).
1328:Simon Walker (2006).
1185:Simon Walker (2006).
1028:Simon Walker (2006).
987:(Edinburgh, 1985), 76
678:brought an important
588:
558:Justices of the peace
516:
461:. The lord provided
274:English feudal barony
42:
1129:(Oxford, 1961), 451.
857:(London, 1995), 105.
695:historians, such as
631:Henry of Bolingbroke
169:Feudal fragmentation
45:Dunstable Swan Jewel
931:(London, 2010), 12.
752:K. Kennedy (2009).
676:Elizabeth Woodville
531:Christine Carpenter
104:Ecclesiastical fief
1452:– medievalists.net
1070:Past & Present
974:37 (1987), 146–48.
842:Past & Present
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324:Customary freehold
164:Feudal maintenance
57:
1419:978-0-7190-6826-3
1368:978-0-8264-2383-2
1341:978-0-7190-6826-3
1277:978-1-137-09432-2
1198:978-0-7190-6826-3
1155:978-0-85115-832-7
1099:978-0-300-07663-9
1041:978-0-7190-6826-3
1014:978-1-84383-036-8
898:McFarlane K. B.,
885:978-1-107-65467-9
855:Bastard Feudalism
814:978-0-313-29124-1
765:978-0-230-62162-6
652:Cardinal Beaufort
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581:Later Middle Ages
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539:Wars of the Roses
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623:E. F. Jacob
614:royal court
509:Composition
269:Land tenure
249:Free tenant
209:Manor house
189:Manorialism
1460:Categories
1394:B000734F4M
1316:B000734F4M
739:References
602:Richard II
523:indentured
369:Feudal aid
109:Crown land
18:Affinities
701:household
693:Victorian
672:Edward IV
660:Edward II
452:feudalism
389:Feudalism
319:Gavelkind
304:Serjeanty
129:Feoffment
727:See also
680:Midlands
668:Isabella
648:magnates
606:Henry IV
487:the king
483:tenurial
448:magnates
431:affinity
314:Freehold
309:Copyhold
294:Baronage
229:Overlord
159:Affinity
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119:Appanage
664:consort
469:Origins
435:retinue
379:Tallage
364:Scutage
299:Peerage
244:Serfdom
239:Peasant
219:Demesne
144:Feoffee
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359:Socage
179:Livery
154:Homage
149:Fealty
124:Vassal
1384:'
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429:, an
224:Glebe
1414:ISBN
1390:ASIN
1363:ISBN
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1272:ISBN
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1150:ISBN
1114:LAHS
1094:ISBN
1056:TRHS
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604:and
439:lord
234:Lord
213:List
99:Fief
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43:The
916:EHR
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