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Bloody Sunday (1905)

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981: 749:, faith in the autocracy, and indifference to political life. The workers of St. Petersburg wished to receive fair treatment and better working conditions; they decided, therefore, to petition the tsar in hopes he would act on it. In their eyes, the tsar was their representative who would help them if he was made aware of their situation. God appointed the tsar, therefore the tsar had an obligation to protect the people and do what was best for them. Their petition was written in subservient terms and ended with a reminder to the tsar of his obligation to the people of Russia and their resolve to do what it took to ensure their pleas were met. It concluded: "And if Thou dost not so order and dost not respond to our pleas we will die here in this square before Thy palace". Gapon, who had an ambiguous relationship with the Tsarist authorities, sent a copy of the petition to the Minister of the Interior together with a notification of his intention to lead a procession of members of his workers' movement to the Winter Palace on the following Sunday. 582:, which created a strain on traditional Russian society. Peasants "were confronted by unfamiliar social relationships, a frustrating regime of factory discipline, and the distressing conditions of urban life." This new group of peasant workers made up the majority of workers in urban areas. Generally unskilled, these peasants received low wages, were employed in unsafe working environments, and worked up to fifteen hours a day. Although some workers still had a paternalistic relationship with their employer, factory employers were more present and active than the noble landowners that previously had ownership of the serfs. Under serfdom, peasants had little, if any, contact with their landowner. In the new urban setting, however, factory employers often used their absolute authority in abusive and arbitrary manners. Their abuse of power, made evident by the long 614:
they reached a peak between 1884 and 1885 when 4,000 workers went on strike at Morozov's cotton mill. This large strike prompted officials to consider regulations that would restrain the abuses of employers and ensure safety in the workplace. A new law was passed in 1886 that required employers to specify working conditions in their factories in writing. This included the treatment of workers, workers' hours and the safety precautions taken by the employer. This new law also created factory inspectors who were charged with preserving industrial peace. Despite these changes, strike activity again reached high proportions during the 1890s, resulting in the restriction of the workday to eleven and a half hours in 1897.
845:. The troops, who now numbered about 10,000, had been ordered to halt the columns of marchers before they reached the palace square but the reaction of government forces was inconsistent and confused. Individual policemen did salute the religious banners and portraits of the Tsar carried by the crowd or joined the procession. Army officers variously told the marchers that they could proceed in smaller groups, called on them to disperse or ordered their troops to fire into the marchers without warning. When the crowds continued to press forward, Cossacks and regular cavalry made charges using their sabres or trampling the people. 610:- to conspire for a criminal act." As such, Russian laws viewed strikes as criminal acts of conspiracy and potential catalysts for rebellion. The governmental response to strikes, however, supported the efforts of the workers and promoted strikes as an effective tool that could be used by the workers to help improve their working conditions. Tsarist authorities usually intervened with harsh punishment, especially for the leaders and spokesmen of the strike, but often the complaints of the strikers were reviewed and seen as justified and the employers were required to correct the abuses about which the strikers protested. 810:, the Tsar's official residence. The crowd, whose mood was quiet, did not know that the Tsar was not in residence. Insofar as there was firm planning, the intention was for the various columns of marchers to converge in front of the palace at about 2 pm. Estimates of the total numbers involved range wildly from police figures of 3,000 to organizers' claims of 50,000. Initially, it was intended that women, children and elderly workers should lead, to emphasize the united nature of the demonstration. 623: 774: 44: 972:
them, his absence from the city, against at least some advice, reflects a lack of imagination and perception that he was to show on other occasions. The killing of people, many of whom had seen the Tsar as their "Little Father", resulted in a surge of bitterness towards Nicholas and his autocratic rule. A widely quoted reaction was "we no longer have a Tsar".
663:…a noble endeavor, under the guidance of truly Russian educated laymen and clergy, to foster among the workers a sober, Christian view of life and to instill the principle of mutual aid, thereby helping to improve the lives and working conditions of laborers without violent disruption of law and order in their relations with employers and the government. 870:, previously stationed in the Palace Square where about 2,300 soldiers were being held in reserve, now made its way onto the Nevsky and formed two ranks opposite the Alexander Gardens. Following a single shouted warning a bugle sounded and four volleys were fired into the panicked crowd, many of whom had not been participants in the organized marches. 659:(secret police); during 1904 the membership of the association had grown rapidly, although more radical groups saw it as being a "police union" – under government influence. The Assembly's objectives were to defend workers' rights and to elevate their moral and religious status. In the words of Fr. Gapon, this organization served as: 960:; however, the autocracy eventually resorted to brute force near the end of 1905 in order to curtail the burgeoning strike movement that continued to spread. Between October 1905 and April 1906, an estimated 15,000 peasants and workers were either hanged or shot; 20,000 were injured and 45,000 sent into exile. 574:
working in the cities to supplement their incomes retained their ties to the land and their masters. Although the working conditions in the cities were horrific, they were only employed for short periods of time and returned to their village when their work was complete, or when it was time to resume
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The total number killed in the day's clashes is uncertain. The Tsar's officials recorded 96 dead and 333 injured; anti-government sources claimed more than 4,000 dead; moderate estimates still average around 1,000 killed or wounded, both from shots and being trampled during the panic. Another source
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in St. Petersburg were fired because of their membership in the Assembly, although the plant manager asserted that they were fired for unrelated reasons. Virtually the entire workforce of the Putilov Ironworks went on strike when the plant manager refused to accede to their requests that the workers
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These corrections did not address a grossly unbalanced system that clearly favoured employers. This caused the continuation of strikes and the first major industrial strike in Russia in 1870 in St. Petersburg. This new phenomenon was a catalyst of many more strikes in Russia, which increased until
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Although the Tsar was not at the Winter Palace and did not give the order for the troops to fire, he was widely blamed for the inefficiency and callousness with which the crisis had been handled. While it was unrealistic for the marchers to expect Nicholas to ride out into the Palace Square to meet
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Perhaps the most significant effect of Bloody Sunday was the drastic change in the attitude of the Russian peasants and workers. Previously the tsar had been seen as the champion of the people: in dire situations, the masses would appeal to the tsar, traditionally through a petition, and the tsar
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A report had been made to the Tsar at Tsarskoe Selo on Saturday night on the measures being taken to contain the marchers. Substantial military forces were deployed in and around the environs of the Winter Palace. These comprised units of the Imperial Guard, who provided the permanent garrison of
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The first instance of shooting occurred between 10 and 11 am. There was no single encounter directly before the Winter Palace, as often portrayed, but rather a series of separate collisions at the bridges or other entry points to the central city. The column led by Gapon was fired upon near the
717:. The idea of a petition resonated with the traditionally minded working masses. From the 15th to the early 18th centuries individual or collective petitions were an established means of bringing grievances to the attention of the Tsar's administration. They could be submitted to the Petitions 708:
6 January] 1905, at the headquarters of Gapon's movement – the "Gapon Hall" on the Shlisselburg Trakt in Saint Petersburg. The petition, as drafted in respectful terms by Gapon himself, made clear the problems and opinions of the workers and called for improved working
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governing Imperial Russia: the events in St. Petersburg provoked public outrage and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly to the industrial centres of the Russian Empire. The massacre on Bloody Sunday is considered to be the start of the active phase of the
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disapproved of the procession due to its lack of political demands. Fr. Gapon even encouraged his followers to tear up leaflets that supported revolutionary aims. The majority of Russian workers retained their traditional conservative values of
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The "Assembly of the Russian Factory and Mill Workers of the City of St. Petersburg", otherwise known as "the Assembly", had been headed by Fr. Gapon since 1903. The Assembly was patronized by the Department of the Police and the St. Petersburg
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as was customary on Sunday afternoons, mostly unaware of the extent of the violence elsewhere in the city. Amongst them were parties of workers still making their way to the Winter Palace as originally intended by Gapon. A detachment of the
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Troops had been deployed around the Winter Palace and at other key points. Despite the urging of various members of the imperial family to stay in St. Petersburg, the Tsar left on Saturday 21 January [
388: 814:, who was one of Gapon's inner circle, had encouraged women to take part although she expected that there would be casualties. On reflection, younger men moved to the front to make up the leading ranks. 417: 1489:"Maxim Gorky: A Political Biography. By Tovah Yedlin. Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 1999. xiv, 260 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Chronology. Glossary. Index. Photographs. $ 59.95, hard bound" 1043: 701: 298: 326: 314: 1024:(whose music the symphony quotes) is also called "The Ninth of January". Shostakovich's father and uncle were both present at the march that day, a year before the composer's birth. 980: 964:
would respond to his people promising to set things right. The lower classes placed their faith in the tsar. Any problems that the lower classes faced were associated with the
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The immediate consequence of Bloody Sunday was a strike movement that spread throughout the country. Strikes began to erupt outside of St. Petersburg in places such as Moscow,
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of Russia; however, after Bloody Sunday the tsar was no longer distinguished from the bureaucrats and was held personally responsible for the tragedy that occurred.
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9 January] 1905, striking workers and their families began to gather at six points in the industrial outskirts of St Petersburg. Holding religious
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centered on Bloody Sunday. The second movement, entitled "The Ninth of January", is a forceful depiction of the massacre. The sixth of Shostakovich's 1951
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be rehired. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers up to 150,000 workers in 382 factories. By 21 January [
102:, calling for reforms such as: limitations on state officials' power, improvements to working conditions and hours, and the introduction of a national 250: 956:. In all, about 414,000 people participated in the work stoppage during January 1905. Tsar Nicholas II attempted to appease the people with a 906:. Media commentary in Britain and the United States was overwhelmingly negative towards the actions of an already unpopular regime. The writer 351: 883:
did not put forward a precise figure but claimed that hundreds were killed and that many of the dead were secretly buried by the authorities.
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was not a revolutionary or rebellious act, though it was done against the permission of public authorities. Political groups, such as the
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broke out. Gapon's Assembly was closed down that day, and Gapon quickly left Russia with the assistance of writer and political activist
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was emotionally affected by the event, reflecting the revulsion of liberal, socialist and intellectual opinion within Russia itself.
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8 January] 1905, the city had no electricity and no newspapers whatsoever and all public areas were declared closed.
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This event was seen by the British ambassador as inflaming revolutionary activities in Russia and contributing to the
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conditions, fairer wages, and a reduction in the working day to eight hours. Other demands included an end to the
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in Russia's industrializing cities. Prior to emancipation, no working class could be established because
1623: 782:("9th of January") (1925) showing a line of armed soldiers facing demonstrators at the approaches to the 556: 903: 741: 725:, or directly to the Tsar or his courtiers when the tsar was making an appearance outside the palace. 1030: 886:
Nicholas II described the day as "painful and sad". As reports spread across the city, disorder and
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The emancipation of the serfs resulted in the establishment of a permanent working class in
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Cossacks and more of the Tsar's forces killing and whipping men, women and children (
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was made in the course of discussions during the evening of 19 January [
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The Road to Bloody Sunday: Father Gapon and the St. Petersburg Massacre of 1905
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In the pre-dawn winter darkness of the morning of Sunday, 22 January [
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view the events of Bloody Sunday to be one of the key events which led to the
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Dispersal of the workers' procession; beginning of the 1905 Russian Revolution
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Phillip Blom, The Vertigo Years: Europe (New York: Basic Books, 2008), 140.
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The St. Petersburg workmen's petition to the Tsar (9 January 1905)
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Soviet painting of the Bloody Sunday massacre in St Petersburg
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G.A. Gapon, quoted in Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday, 89
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As late as 2 pm large family groups were promenading on the
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Symphony No. 11 in G minor, "The Year 1905," Op. 103 (1957)
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noted that the official estimate was 132 people killed.
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Gapon, Address to the Tsar, February 1905, in Ascher,
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A leading role in these events was played by a Priest
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and singing hymns and patriotic songs (particularly "
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Assembly of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg
1393:. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford UP, 1988. p. 91. Print 1229:Petition Prepared for Presentation to Nicholas II 1077:(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 4. 1656: 1147:(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), 22. 634:January 9] 1905, known as Bloody Sunday 526:Bloody Sunday caused grave consequences for the 1194:(New York: The Macmillan Company, 1964), 68–71. 1475:Tsar: the Lost World of Nicholas and Alexandra 1434:, 4th edition, Oxford University Press, 1984, 763: 996:Soviet actor, film director and screenwriter 466: 251: 504:, when unarmed demonstrators, led by Father 1192:First Blood: The Russian Revolution of 1905 606:, was derived from an old colloquial term, 265: 1579:Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday, 274. 258: 244: 42: 1543: 1486: 1258:Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday, 15. 1095:Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday, 20. 1022:Ten Poems on Texts by Revolutionary Poets 590:, and lack of safety precautions, led to 1086:Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday, 3. 979: 821: 772: 621: 1551:. London: T. Fisher Unwin. p. 212. 1541: 1145:The Revolution of 1905: A Short History 19:For other events of the same name, see 1657: 1612: 1610: 817: 700:The decision to prepare and present a 696:Petition and preparation for the march 16:1905 protest in St. Petersburg, Russia 768: 683:In December 1904, six workers at the 508:, were fired upon by soldiers of the 487: 239: 1745:Military history of Saint Petersburg 1730:1905 disasters in the Russian Empire 1062:A History of Modern Europe 1789–1968 1607: 1561:Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, 28. 1450: 1369:. Da Capo Press. pp. 122–123. 1281:. Da Capo Press. pp. 119–120. 1170:. Da Capo Press. pp. 104–105. 1156:Ascher, The Revolution of 1905, 23. 678: 13: 1740:1905 murders in the Russian Empire 1240:Ascher, The Revolution of 1907 25. 489:[krɐˈvavəɪvəskrʲɪˈsʲenʲjɪ] 14: 1756: 1695:Massacres of protesters in Europe 597: 1735:Massacres in the Russian Empire 1629: 1589:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1582: 1573: 1564: 1555: 1535: 1480: 1477:. Boston: Back Bay, 1998. p. 81 1467: 1444: 1424: 1406:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1383: 1365:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1358: 1340:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1333: 1320: 1302:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1295: 1277:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1270: 1261: 1252: 1243: 1234: 1231:, Documents in Russian History. 1222: 1204:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1197: 1184: 1166:Salisbury, Harrison E. (1981). 1159: 913: 617: 218:    439–800 1690:Political repression in Russia 1593:. Da Capo Press. p. 128. 1410:. Da Capo Press. p. 125. 1344:. Da Capo Press. p. 121. 1306:. Da Capo Press. p. 110. 1208:. 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440: 436: 431: 430:2nd Kronstadt 428: 424: 419: 416: 414: 411: 407: 402: 399: 397: 394: 390: 385: 384:Tikhoretskaya 382: 380: 379:1st Kronstadt 377: 373: 368: 365: 363: 360: 358: 355: 353: 350: 348: 345: 343: 341: 337: 333: 328: 327:Verkhneudinsk 325: 321: 316: 313: 309: 305: 300: 297: 293: 290: 289: 288: 285: 283: 282:Bloody Sunday 280: 279: 276: 271: 261: 256: 254: 249: 247: 242: 241: 238: 226: 222: 217: 212: 208: 207: 203: 198: 188: 183: 182: 178: 173: 168: 167: 159: 154: 145: 141: 136: 135: 131: 126: 122: 118: 115: 112: 108: 105: 101: 98: 94: 90: 86: 82: 78: 74: 69: 64: 60: 55: 51: 45: 40: 37: 32: 27: 22: 1652: 1635: 1631: 1617: 1590: 1584: 1575: 1566: 1557: 1545: 1537: 1496: 1492: 1482: 1474: 1469: 1458: 1454: 1446: 1431: 1426: 1407: 1390: 1385: 1366: 1360: 1341: 1335: 1327: 1322: 1303: 1297: 1278: 1272: 1263: 1254: 1245: 1236: 1224: 1205: 1199: 1191: 1186: 1167: 1161: 1152: 1144: 1139: 1131: 1126: 1118: 1113: 1105: 1100: 1091: 1082: 1074: 1069: 1061: 1057: 1029: 1021: 1013: 1012:, subtitled 1001: 995: 989: 970: 962: 923: 914:Consequences 901: 885: 881:Leon Trotsky 877: 860: 852: 831: 793: 779: 751: 727: 721:(office) in 699: 682: 662: 653: 641:Georgy Gapon 638: 628:Georgy Gapon 618:Priest Gapon 612: 607: 603: 601: 577: 554: 540: 539:in his book 525: 506:Georgy Gapon 462: 458: 457: 339: 281: 220: 215: 210: 166:Georgy Gapon 163: 156:Lead figures 50:Father Gapon 34:Part of the 1457:Chapter 6, 1130:Sablinsky, 1117:Sablinsky, 1104:Sablinsky, 1026:Maxim Gorky 908:Leo Tolstoy 892:Maxim Gorky 594:in Russia. 580:urban areas 433: [ 421: [ 418:Motovilikha 404: [ 387: [ 370: [ 367:Vladivostok 330: [ 318: [ 302: [ 120:Resulted in 100:Nicholas II 1670:1905 riots 1659:Categories 1050:References 976:In culture 874:Casualties 856:Narva Gate 740:, and the 738:Mensheviks 734:Bolsheviks 608:stakat’sia 555:After the 551:Background 463:Red Sunday 357:Sevastopol 104:parliament 54:Narva Gate 1529:155975708 1513:0037-6779 1028:'s novel 898:Reactions 849:Shootings 747:Orthodoxy 547:of 1917. 474:romanized 413:Shuliavka 1640:Archived 1330:, Vol. 1 1038:See also 1008:'s 1957 835:Cossacks 702:petition 666:—  442:Sveaborg 401:Gorlovka 352:Peasants 340:Potemkin 216:Injuries 76:Location 1521:2697315 1016:, is a 990:O Malho 888:looting 674:Prelude 657:Okhrana 645:working 604:stachka 592:strikes 565:peasant 221:Arrests 213:143–234 164:Father 128:Parties 110:Methods 52:, near 1597:  1548:  1527:  1519:  1511:  1438:  1414:  1373:  1348:  1310:  1285:  1212:  1174:  966:boyars 946:Tiflis 926:Warsaw 723:Moscow 719:Prikaz 586:, low 502:Russia 396:Moscow 342:mutiny 299:Latvia 287:Poland 211:Deaths 175:Number 1525:S2CID 1517:JSTOR 1134:, 25. 1121:, 22. 1108:, 21. 954:Batum 942:Reval 938:Kovno 934:Vilna 843:Pskov 839:Reval 800:icons 588:wages 572:serfs 437:] 425:] 408:] 391:] 374:] 334:] 322:] 310:] 92:Goals 1595:ISBN 1509:ISSN 1455:1905 1436:ISBN 1412:ISBN 1371:ISBN 1346:ISBN 1308:ISBN 1283:ISBN 1210:ISBN 1172:ISBN 958:duma 952:and 950:Baku 930:Riga 841:and 796:O.S. 754:O.S. 706:O.S. 690:O.S. 647:and 632:O.S. 518:Tsar 494:O.S. 485:IPA: 447:Coup 362:Kiev 315:Riga 292:Łódź 97:Tsar 68:O.S. 62:Date 1501:doi 786:in 461:or 1661:: 1622:, 1609:^ 1523:. 1515:. 1507:. 1497:60 1495:. 1491:. 1398:^ 988:, 948:, 944:, 940:, 936:, 932:, 928:, 894:. 736:, 523:. 500:, 483:, 471:, 435:ru 423:ru 406:ru 389:ru 372:ru 332:ru 320:ru 308:lv 306:; 304:ru 83:, 1603:. 1531:. 1503:: 1463:. 1461:" 1453:" 1420:. 1379:. 1354:. 1316:. 1291:. 1218:. 1180:. 476:: 259:e 252:t 245:v 23:.

Index

Bloody Sunday (disambiguation)
1905 Russian Revolution

Father Gapon
Narva Gate
O.S.
St. Petersburg
Russian Empire
Tsar
Nicholas II
parliament
Demonstration march
Imperial Guard
Georgy Gapon
v
t
e
1905 Russian Revolution
Bloody Sunday
Poland
Łódź
Latvia
ru
lv
Riga
ru
Verkhneudinsk
ru
Potemkin mutiny
Armenian–Tatar massacres

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