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Makobola massacre

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368: 1719: 2050: 622:, and members of the local population congregate to erect numerous monuments and memorials throughout the region, serving as reminders of the tragedy. The monuments and memorials were constructed using a variety of materials, including stone, concrete, and metal. Many of them were adorned with inscriptions, symbols, and other features that were intended to convey the gravity and solemnity of the tragedy. The monuments were strategically placed in 1729: 478:, where they were left to die, and shot adults who disobeyed orders to enter a house and instead tried to escape. In addition to the human toll, the assailants also destroyed homes and other property in the village. Buildings were burned or looted, and livestock and crops were stolen or killed. The attack was believed to have been carried out as a retaliatory measure against an earlier attack by 542:; CENI), minimized the killings and even criticized the Missionary International Service News Agency, which had reported the massacre. His position was supported by the president of the RCD, Wamba Dia Wamba, who went as far as declaring that any investigation into the massacre should be met with lethal force by rebel troops. 418:, gained extensive support from the "indigenous" populace and the Kabila government, leading them to rise up against the RCD. Composed of diverse ethnic and regional groups, the Mai-Mai organizations initially prioritized safeguarding their local communities from external forces, including the RCD and its allies, 554:
The massacre sent shockwaves throughout the country, eliciting widespread outrage and revulsion among the Congolese populace, as well as prominent opposition politicians. Seven people involved in the massacre were sentenced to death by court-martial, with four others also receiving the same sentence.
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The Makobola massacre is a somber chapter in the DRC. It stands as a sobering reminder of the gravity of the situation and the urgent need for swift action to address the underlying issues plaguing the eastern region of the DRC. The families of the victims continue to seek justice and accountability.
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It wasn't until the aftermath of the massacre, with the release of information from survivors, eyewitnesses, and the discovery of village documentation under the leadership of Juma Lubambo M'sambya III, Chief of I'amba Basilwamba (Makobola II) village, whose office was destroyed by rebels during the
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fighters, who had infiltrated the Uvira region from Fizi and averted the RCD rebels from gaining access to a new position near the village of Makobola II. As a retaliatory measure, rebel reinforcements were hastily dispatched from Uvira to Makobola. Upon arrival, they unleashed a wave of violence
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The RCD forces and their leaders deliberately downplayed and distorted the number of victims to hide the enormity of their crimes. Moreover they destroyed and concealed evidence of the atrocities committed in the village, making it challenging to arrive at an accurate estimate of the number of
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to Banyamulenge businessmen, politicians, and Tutsi notables, which was a significant turning point in their struggle for recognition. Nonetheless, the constitutionality of this measure was called into question after Rwema's death due to its nonconformity with fundamental criteria. The act was
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The death toll of the Makobola massacre remains a topic of debate due to the scarcity of historical records and inconsistencies in the counting methods employed. Numerous sources have presented varying statistics, which has led to heated discussions in both political and academic debates.
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reported that over 600 people were killed during the Makobola massacre. The final report of the participatory consultations for the development of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Document (DSRP) produced in December 2004, put the number of fatalities at 630. Meanwhile, the
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recorded a staggering 800 deaths in Makobola and the neighboring villages of I'amba, Bangwe, Katuta, Mikunga, and Kasekezi. The conflicting numbers have raised critical questions about the accuracy and reliability of available data.
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of other Congolese ethnic groups who were resentful towards Tutsis from elsewhere. The 1980s witnessed the intensification of frictions and disputes regarding the citizenship status of Banyamulenge. The exclusion of their
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to take proactive measures to ensure that justice was served and that perpetrators were held accountable for their actions. He also reminded the world that a similar decision had been made regarding the August 1998
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massacre, that the true extent of the massacre became widely known. Current estimates from both historians and news sources indicate that the Makobola massacre claimed the lives of over 800 people.
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Many of the victims were hacked to death with machetes or shot at close range, while others were burned alive or drowned in nearby rivers. The soldiers threw babies and small children into deep
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attempted to assert his independence from his former allies. This decision did not bode well with Rwanda and Uganda, who regarded Kabila as an impediment to their regional interests.
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who have lived in the area for generations, relying on their intimate knowledge of the local terrain and farming practices passed down through their families. The first
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perceived as an expropriation of land by other Congolese ethnic groups, which further intensified the social and political tensions in the region and deepened the
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in the eastern part of the DRC presented an economic opportunity, but the Kabila administration hindered their aspirations for financial gain.
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The aftermath of the massacre was marked by grief and anger, as the families of the victims struggled to come to terms with their loss. The
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Eyewitnesses and survivors reported that the soldiers attacked the village and its inhabitants using a variety of weapons, including guns,
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and Tutsi populations. This census led to widespread social unrest, causing deep divisions and polarization within the Congolese society.
1402: 161:) occurred from December 30, 1998, to January 2, 1999, in the small village of Makobola, located approximately 15 kilometers south of 1459: 312:
during his second republic, implemented a presidential decree known as "Ordinance â„– 69-096". This regulation collectively conferred
1433: 2130: 1918: 1347: 2135: 1562:"SECRETARY-GENERAL EXPRESSES DEEP CONCERN OVER REPORTS OF MASSACRE OF 500 CIVILIANS IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO | UN Press" 1510: 909: 1792: 1536: 237:, which can be traced back to their long-standing dispute over land and resources. The Banyamulenge are predominantly 1485: 1164: 1139: 1082: 1057: 1032: 978: 1887: 1718: 501: 178: 64: 24: 1587:"RDC: il y a 21 ans, plusieurs centaines de congolais étaient tués, certains brûlés dans leurs maisons à Makobola" 426:. The local population has been targeted by violence, ranging from brutal physical assaults to savage massacres. 768: 471:, and other sharp objects. The RCD forces went on a rampage, killing men, women, and children indiscriminately. 971:
The Political Economy of the Great Lakes Region in Africa: The Pitfalls of Enforced Democracy and Globalization
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victims. The provincial governor at that time, Norbert Basengezi Katintima (now the vice-president of the
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upon the local population, while the Mai-Mai soldiers were able to escape into the surrounding forests.
2006: 1744: 556: 372: 361: 140: 2090: 644:"Sud-Kivu : 21 ans après les massacres de Makobola, les familles des victimes rĂ©clament justice" 607:, and expressed his regret that the conclusions of that investigation had not been made public yet. 388: 1964: 1857: 843:"Cows and guns. Cattle-related conflict and armed violence in Fizi and Itombwe, eastern DR Congo" 591: 579: 258: 1075:
LA GUERRE DES GRANDS LACS: Alliances mouvantes et conflits extraterritoriaux en Afrique Centrale
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Reyntjens, Filip (2001). "Briefing: The Democratic Republic of Congo, from Kabila to Kabila".
1613:"Sud-Kivu: 21 ans après le massacre de Makobola, la population exige que justice soit faite" 1434:"Congo rebels order probe on massacre report – Democratic Republic of the Congo | ReliefWeb" 2031: 407:(RCD) with the aim of toppling his government. Furthermore, Rwanda and Uganda's hunger for 996:"BarthĂ©lemy Bisengimana Rwema "Barthos", le Gourou-infiltrĂ© Rwandais Tout-Puissant !" 816: 8: 2085: 1024:
Lies of the Tutsi in Eastern Congo/Zaire: A Case Study: South Kivu (Pre-Colonial to 2018)
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The scale of the violence prompted a swift response from the government, with President
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to be deployed to the eastern part of the country, where the massacre had taken place.
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The Missionary International Service News Agency (MISNA), a prominent Roman Catholic
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taking decisive action to bring the perpetrators to justice. He ordered troops from
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International Criminal Court investigation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
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However, other sources have provided much higher estimates of the death toll. The
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territories in the eastern region of the DRC. According to reports from both the
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The attack took place in the village of Makobola, predominantly inhabited by the
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and launched an indiscriminate killing spree against the local population.
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In response to the RCD rebels, numerous militant factions, such as the
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Making Nations, Creating Strangers: States and Citizenship in Africa
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Allegations that the local population had provided support to the
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Wartime sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
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Democratic Republic of the Congo–Rwanda tensions (2022–present)
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Hammett, Daniel; Nugent, Paul; Dorman, Sara (August 31, 2007).
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also condemned the massacre and called for action to be taken.
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Marysse, Stefaan; Reyntjens, Filip, eds. (October 21, 2005).
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Suppression of investigation and concealment of the massacre
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community as a retaliatory measure against an attack by the
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Another Fine Mess: America, Uganda, and the War on Terror
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them. In response, Tutsi opposition leaders founded the
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Mining industry of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
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from the 1982 and 1987 elections under the pretext of
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The Banyamulenge harbored aspirations of having their
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Mercenaries and the Democratic Republic of the Congo
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He urged 429: 131: 120: 110: 102: 78: 70: 51: 43: 38: 389:political representation 189:; RCD), a predominantly 165:, on the border between 1965:Belgian colonial empire 1858:2008 Nord-Kivu campaign 1155:Epstein, Helen (2017). 580:international community 525:Mapping Exercise Report 241:who have migrated from 25:Infobox civilian attack 17: 1970:Kivu frontier incident 1770:East African Community 380: 323:collective unconscious 269:imported workers from 198:Ernest Wamba dia Wamba 30:considered for merging 747:Amnesty International 557:Laurent-DĂ©sirĂ© Kabila 442:on the border of the 373:Laurent-DĂ©sirĂ© Kabila 370: 362:Laurent DĂ©sirĂ© Kabila 298:independent territory 263:inter-ethnic tensions 141:Laurent-DĂ©sirĂ© Kabila 2121:December 1998 crimes 2032:2014 Mutarule attack 1515:The New Humanitarian 936:Biebuyck, Daniel P. 358:Congolese government 332:nationalitĂ© douteuse 245:in search of better 159:Massacre de Makobola 2126:January 1999 crimes 1669:Sites of Conscience 1517:. 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Index

template
Infobox civilian attack
considered for merging
Kivu conflict
Fizi Territory
South Kivu
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Massacre
ethnic cleansing
arson
sexual violence
Bembe people
Rally for Congolese Democracy
Mai Mai
Laurent-Désiré Kabila
French
Uvira
Fizi Territory
Uvira Territory
South Kivu Province
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Rally for Congolese Democracy
Tutsi
Rwandan
Ernest Wamba dia Wamba
Babembe
Fizi Territory
ethnic tensions
Bembe people
Banyamulenge

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