472:
Zionism and the Arab Jews by displaying
Zionism as an ideological practice with three simultaneous and symbiotic categories: "Nationality", "Religion" and "Ethnicity". In order to be included in the national collective, they had to be "de-Arabized". Religion distinguished between Arabs and Arab Jews, thus marking nationality among the Arab Jews. Thus, in order to belong to the Zionist-national discourse, the Arab Jews had to perform and practice Judaism. Religion, in that sense, was a means to the recruitment of the Mizrahi Jews into the Jewish nationality. Yet religion at the same time also marked them as an "Ethnic" group separate from the secular (Ashkenazi) Israeliness. For Shenhav, religion and nationality are not binary categories but are connected in dynamic relations. Zionist nationalism confiscated Judaism and did contain religious lineaments, but those were nationalized and re-formed. Shenhav does not suggest that Zionism made the Mizrahi Jews religious, but that Zionism
440:, Shenhav set the concept of "Managerial Revolution" up to a critical analysis. He aimed to show how managerial language and activism developed through the creation of a language and practice that hid the aggressive and violent context of their growth. In addition to his previous studies, which described ways in which the managerial profession fought the workers and exercised symbolic and practical violence against them, he also displayed the growth of management as bound in a struggle against Capitalism, which forced it to invent itself and its language out of nothing, fighting both workers and capitalists.
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cultural cultures from the
Mediterranean. The book discussed the way in which two categories where juxtaposed in the Israeli discourse - one which distinguishes Jews from non-Jews, and another, which is perceived as an exclusively Jewish discourse, between Ashkenazi and Mizrahi. Shenhav seeks to undermine those categories, which he believes to be fixated and do not allow a description of Mizrahi history from a comparative perspective.
487:- of Zionism. Yet he does not argue that contemporary Mizrahi identity is Arab-Jewish, but rather that it was a concept with a certain history that was cut off. So from a critical position, Shenhav accepts the conceptualization of the Mizrahi in the Israeli political and ethnic discussion since, according to him, the common experience of the various "communities" in Israel - in the
425:. During that time, large factories were incorporated, and were hard for capitalists to control. Managers assumed a more prominent role in the organized environment, and since the profession was not yet sufficiently institutionalized, managers used an ideology of rationality and efficiency to establish their
316:
an article titled "The Bond of
Silence", which generated a great deal of reaction. He pointed to an "inter-generational bond of silence between the ideological commissars of the formative years of Zionism ("the salt of the earth") and the contemporary intellectuals of the Israeli Left (also "salt of
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promising full equality between its citizens by overcoming the mechanisms of oppression and discrimination; and also a second option of a liberal multiculturalism which asks for a liberal democracy which institutionalizes the various groups of society. He thinks nationality, wisely using the values
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which gathered momentum in the 19th century and was elaborated in the 20th century, is not rational in the ontological sense, but in fact the opposite. Shenhav argued that despite its claim for precision, non-arbitrary and universal, that system's foundations are not necessarily more efficient than
502:
The book's second central theme revolves around the connection between the Arab-Jews and the
Palestinians. Shenhav's claim is that the Iraqi government's nationalization of the Iraqi Jews' property served as a governmental excuse for Israel's keeping of the Palestinian refugees' property following
471:
Shenhav described the operation of a cultural machine which fixated the Jews from Arab countries as Arab Jews, but did so without "purifying" them from their
Arabism, and portrayed the wide border zone along which that conversion took place. He presented a critical inquiry of the relations between
546:
ones. For
Shenhav, identity is a dynamic, constructivist, random and non-primordial concept, and seeks to deconstruct the social and cultural constructions (which he sees as basically European) in order develop a perspective that would advance identity politics. Shenhav admits the existence of an
325:
does not endanger the status of our contemporary
Ashkenazi intellectuals. It does not endanger their position as a hegemonic cultural group in Israeli society or as an economic class" and that "Dealing with the injustices inflicted on the Palestinians earns them laurels of humanism, the esteemed
467:
Shenhav traced the origins of the conceptualization of the
Mizrahi Jews as Arab Jews by challenging the hegemonic discourse, which uses the category of the "Oriental Jews" and later "Mizrahi". Both of those options, according to Shenhav, conceals the Arab identities and culture and provides new
432:
Shenhav's basic argument is that the economic crisis at the time actually helped managers become part of the organizational landscape, since it helped justify their function. Managers adopted a rhetoric which associated management with the resolution of an economic crisis. As the crisis became
551:
identity, while encouraging the formation of another substantive identity he wants to liberate within his identity politics. In his opinion, this can be morally justified since an analogy cannot be made between the oppressors and the oppressed and between the rulers and the ruled.
555:
Shenhav seeks to look at the postcolonial and postmodern discourse frames not merely as critical and deconstructivist frameworks, but rather as ones proposing a principal basis to change reality. Therefore, he negates one option of liberal multiculturalism which asks for a
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roles of slaughterers of sacred cows and seekers of peace, the badge of the rebel, and a catharsis in light of the crime of their parents' generation" yet the
Palestinian is marked as the "Other", which can be kept on the other side of the fence. The
561:
of liberalism and democracy, is major a mechanism of oppression and discrimination in the
Israeli society. Therefore, he believes it is not enough for liberal democracy to grant equality to its minorities, since it also renders the "majority" group
577:. Shenhav suggests the multiculturalist arrangements be in accordance with the degrees of openness of various groups of society, and the degrees of closeness between them. He also stresses the importance of cultural representations and
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The article had great resonance in and outside of Israel. It was followed by 25 response article in Haaretz and the multiplicity of references in the media was considered to have marked the beginning of a new public discussion.
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and poverty neighborhoods". Recognition of the injustices done to the Mizrahim will force the Israeli left to reform itself as well and to relinquish its hegemonic position. To avoid that, they created a
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Most of his academic work is done in the Sociology and Anthropology School in the Tel Aviv University, where he is a full professor. He has also taught in several universities in the
464:. He challenges the Israeli structural knowledge which separates, factitiously in his eyes, between them. The book was also published in English in 2006 (Stanford University Press).
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them through religion. Thus, They could only exist within the national Zionist discourse by being classified as religious Jews, and that is why the intermediate category of
448:
Throughout his career, Shenhav published several articles on the subject of the ethnicity, race and on postcolonial regimes. In 2003 he published (in Hebrew)
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in Israel, the state must also reach an agreement with its Palestinian citizens regarding their collective representation as a national minority within it.
523:, Shenhav believes the Israeli society must become multi-ethnic and therefore multi-culturalist. Among his publications on the subject is the anthology
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He has won several awards, including the Dorothy Harlow Award of the American Academy of Management; and the Association for Israeli Studies award for
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298:, from Arab countries, which defines itself as an extra-parliamentary movement seeking to challenge the ethnic structure in the Israeli society.
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330:, on the other hand, "cannot be turned into an "other," nor can they be cast beyond the fence; at most, one can construct detours to bypass
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565:. Appropriate multiculturalist alternatives, according to Shenhav, may include, for instance, a cultural/national autonomy to the
542:
Shenhav focuses his multiculturalist program mostly around the postcolonialist discourse, but also includes the postmodernist and
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was criticized by conservative intellectuals. It was argued that Mizrahi identity is an anachronism which endangers the Israeli
1163:
507:. Israel could thus argue for an interrelatedness between the two and claim that a population and capital exchange took place.
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Shenhav argued that this Arab Jewish identity is a hybrid one, and is in part the result of dual consciousness - national and
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820:
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983:"What do Palestinians and Arab-Jews Have in Common? Nationalism and Ethnicity Examined Through the Compensation Question"
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hegemony concur in their silence toward the "Mizrahi problem". He also argued that "denouncing the injustice done to the
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Research in bureaucracy, management, capitalism, ethnicity in Israeli society, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
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1032:"Jews from Arab Countries and the Palestinian Right for Return: An Ethnic Community in Realms of National Memory"
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widespread, statistics showed a growth in the number of managers in the West, especially the United States.
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One of the Rainbow Coalition's chief struggles was for lands, in which Shenhav and others petitioned to the
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796:(in Hebrew). Yehouda Shenhav (ed.). Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem: The Vanleer Institute and Ha’Kibutz HaMeuchad.
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others and are certainly not universal, but rather of a particular social, economic and historic context.
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against what he described as an unjust distribution of state owned lands, made worse by decisions of the
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asymmetry between the way in which he negates a substantive identity and criticizes the formation of a
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414:
413:, Shenhav sought to show how rationality was turned into an ideology by management experts (such as
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Shenhav is a well-known figure in Israel as a public intellectual and as one of the founders of the
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and so forth - has blurred their distinctions and created a great deal of similarity between them.
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834:(in Hebrew). Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem: The Vanleer Institute and Ha’Kibutz HaMeuchad (Hebrew).
815:(in Hebrew). Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem: The Vanleer Institute and Ha’Kibutz HaMeuchad (Hebrew).
777:(in Hebrew). Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem: The Vanleer Institute and Ha’Kibutz HaMeuchad (Hebrew).
758:(in Hebrew). Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem: The Vanleer Institute and Ha’Kibutz HaMeuchad (Hebrew).
739:(in Hebrew). Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem: The Vanleer Institute and Ha’Kibutz HaMeuchad (Hebrew).
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The Organization Machine: A Critical Inquiry into the Foundations of Management Theory
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The Organization Machine: A Critical Inquiry into the Foundations of Management Theory
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Manufacturing Rationality: The Engineering Foundations of the Managerial Revolution
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Manufacturing Rationality: The Engineering Foundations of the Managerial Revolution
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The Arab Jews: A Postcolonial Reading of Nationalism, Religion, and Ethnicity
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The Arab Jews: A Postcolonial Reading of Nationalism, Religion, and Ethnicity
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237:, where he received another MA in 1983 and a PhD in 1985, both in sociology.
365:. Shenhav said that while the Jews certainly had the right for a collective
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Shenhav, Yehouda; Schmidt, Christoph; Zelniker, Shimshon, eds. (2009).
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That argument has also been associated with his activities against the
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Hever, Hannan; Shenhav, Yehouda; Motzafi-Haller, Pnina, eds. (2002).
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In 1977 he received his BA in sociology and labor studies from the
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Space, Land and Home: The Origin of the Israeli Territorial Regime
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Mizrahim In Israel: A Critical Observation into Israel's Ethnicity
713:(in Hebrew). Tel Aviv: Broadcast University Series. p. 102.
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which included translations of founding texts by writers such as
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What is Multiculturalism? On the Politics of Identity in Israel
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Beyond the Two States Solution: A Jewish Political Essay
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452:, in which he attempted to place the discussion of the
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174:. He is known for his contributions in the fields of
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to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as unrealistic.
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346:Linking the political and intercommunal schism in
206:. At the age of three he moved with his family to
1209:Technion – Israel Institute of Technology alumni
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271:, and as Senior Editor for the European journal
198:Yehouda Shaharabani (later Shenhav) was born in
943:"The Occupation Doesn't Stop at the Checkpoint"
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711:Managerial Ideologies in the Age of Rationality
443:
395:Managerial Ideologies in the Age of Rationality
584:Alexander Jacobson described the concept of a
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811:Shenhav, Yehouda; Yonah, Yossi, eds. (2008).
966:Dahan, Yitzhak (2005). "Waters of Babylon".
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456:within the context of the discussion of the
382:Shenhav attempted to broaden the concept of
794:Coloniality and the Postcolonial Condition
775:Coloniality and the Postcolonial Condition
664:. Stanford University Press. p. 280.
525:Coloniality and the Postcolonial Condition
1139:Yehouda Shenhav at the Van Leer Institute
1036:British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
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832:State of Exception and State of Emergency
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626:. Oxford University Press. p. 256.
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114:Sociologist, academic, critical theorist
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1107:"How many does the world really have?"
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687:. London: Polity Press . p. 256.
641:Shenhav, Yehouda; Yossi Yonah (2005).
317:the earth"). These two generations of
259:He is head of advanced studies in the
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1004:"Hitching a ride on the magic carpet"
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421:) in the 19th century, following the
221:and four years later he received his
146:Association for Israeli Studies award
1159:Jewish Israeli anti-racism activists
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511:Postcolonialism and multiculturalism
292:Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition
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82:BA in sociology and labor studies,
13:
1105:Jacobson, Alexander (2006-12-15).
1077:"The Decline of Israeli Sociology"
312:In late 1996 Shenhav published in
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14:
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607:(in Hebrew). Tel Aviv: Schocken.
210:and again, at the age of ten, to
916:Brinker, Menachem (2007-11-01).
361:and for a democratic Israel and
1002:Shenhav, Yehouda (2003-08-15).
941:Shenhav, Yehouda (2006-06-16).
792:ʻôrekîm, Dānî Fîlq ... (2004).
728:
269:Theory and Criticism in Context
246:University of Wisconsin–Madison
645:(in Hebrew). Tel Aviv: Bavel.
1:
1164:Israeli anti-racism activists
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773:Shenhav Yehouda, ed. (2004).
754:Shenhav Yehouda, ed. (2003).
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390:within a cultural discourse.
88:MA in Industrial management,
622:Shenhav, Yehouda A. (1999).
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444:Stratification and ethnicity
261:Van Leer Jerusalem Institute
193:
188:Israeli-Palestinian conflict
7:
918:"Don't shoot the messenger"
865:"A puzzle within an enigma"
863:Bar-Eli, Avi (2007-09-10).
378:Bureaucracy and rationality
10:
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1214:Stanford University alumni
1204:Tel Aviv University alumni
1134:Yehouda Shenhav's homepage
307:Israel Land Administration
1199:Scientists from Beersheba
1075:Epstein, Alek D. (2004).
1048:10.1080/13530190220124052
1030:Shenhav, Yehouda (2002).
709:Shenhav, Yehouda (1991).
679:Shenhav, Yehouda (2012).
660:Shenhav, Yehouda (2006).
603:Shenhav, Yehouda (1995).
415:Alexander Hamilton Church
386:by referring to it as an
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303:Supreme Court of Israel
263:, and as the editor of
248:, Stanford University,
202:in 1952 to a family of
1174:Postcolonial theorists
397:, Shenhav argued that
265:Theory & Criticism
233:. He then traveled to
893:"The Bond of Silence"
592:Selected publications
423:Industrial Revolution
227:Industrial management
1219:Israeli Arab writers
1194:Israeli Mizrahi Jews
1154:Israeli sociologists
1087:on November 11, 2007
1083:(16). Archived from
579:distributive justice
460:and the Palestinian
458:Palestinian refugees
273:Organization Studies
250:Princeton University
143:Dorothy Harlow Award
1169:Jewish sociologists
254:Columbia University
235:Stanford University
219:Tel Aviv University
123:Tel Aviv University
102:Stanford University
96:Stanford University
84:Tel Aviv University
40:Yehouda Shaharabani
16:Israeli sociologist
981:Shenhav, Yehouda.
897:Van Leer Institute
891:Shenhav, Yehouda.
586:two state solution
367:self-determination
359:Israeli occupation
100:PhD in sociology,
841:978-965-02-0490-7
822:978-965-02-0439-6
573:in Israel or the
558:liberal democracy
521:identity politics
497:development towns
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1148:Categories
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850:References
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164:יהודה שנהב
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194:Biography
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485:colonial
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