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were forced to withdraw to higher ground. The following divisions did not take this precaution, also they were negligent in not maintaining a defensive formation of closed ranks and they did not deploy their archers effectively. By the time the first two
Byzantine divisions exited the far end of the pass, the rear was just about to enter; this allowed the Turks to close their trap on those divisions still within the pass. The Turkish attack, descending from the heights, fell especially heavily on the Byzantine right wing. This division seems to have quickly lost cohesion and been broken, soldiers fleeing one ambush often running into another. Heavy casualties were sustained by the right-wing and its commander, Baldwin, was killed. The Turks then concentrated their attacks on the baggage and siege trains, shooting down the draught animals and choking the roadway. The left-wing division also suffered significant casualties and one of its leaders, John Kantakouzenos, was slain when fighting alone against a band of Seljuk soldiers. The remaining Byzantine troops were panicked by the carnage in front of them and the realisation that the Turks had also begun to attack their rear. The sudden descent of a blinding dust-storm did nothing to improve the morale or organisation of the Byzantine forces, though it must have confused the Seljuk troops also. At this point, Manuel seems to have suffered a crisis of confidence and reputedly sat down, passively awaiting his fate and that of his army.
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Italy and Egypt, instead of dealing with the more pressing issue of the Turks. However, it has been argued that Manuel's preoccupation with exerting influence over the Latins of Europe and the
Crusader states of the Levant was aimed at ensuring Byzantine security in the Balkans and Anatolia. This ambition had drawn Manuel into neglecting matters closer to home, which the campaign of 1176 was aimed at rectifying. The period of peace with Byzantium had given the Sultan many years in which to eliminate his rivals, enabling him to build up a force capable of facing the Byzantine army in the field. Without the years required to build up Seljuk military power, the battle could not have taken place. Furthermore, during the campaign, Manuel made several serious tactical errors, such as failing to scout out the route ahead effectively and ignoring the advice of his senior officers. These failings caused him to lead his forces straight into a classic ambush. However, in defence of Manuel's generalship it is clear that he organised his army in a very effective manner. The army was composed of a number of 'divisions', each of which was self-reliant and could act as a small independent army; it has been argued that it was this organisation which allowed the greater part of his army to survive the ambush inflicted on it.
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that the dead had been scalped and their genitals mutilated, "It was said that the Turks took these measures so that the circumcised could not be distinguished from the uncircumcised and the victory therefore disputed and contested since many had fallen on both sides." Most importantly Manuel's siege equipment had been captured and destroyed. The
Byzantines, without any means of attacking Iconium, were now no longer in a position to continue the campaign. Also the Seljuk Sultan was keen for peace to be restored as soon as possible; he sent an envoy named Gabras, together with gifts of a Nisaean warhorse and a sword, to Manuel in order to negotiate a truce. As a result of these negotiations, the Byzantine army was to be allowed to retreat unmolested on condition that Manuel destroy his forts and evacuate the garrisons at
802:. However, in the same message he: "Then extolled the treaties made with the sultan, boasting that these had been concluded beneath his own banner which had waved in the wind in view of the enemy's front line so that trembling and fear fell upon them." It is notable that it was the sultan who initiated peace proposals by sending an envoy to Manuel and not the reverse. The conclusion that Kilij Arslan, though negotiating from a position of strength, did not consider that his forces were capable of destroying the Byzantine army is inescapable. A possible reason for Kilij Arslan's reluctance to renew the battle is that a large proportion of his irregular troops may have been far more interested in securing the plunder they had taken than in continuing the fight, thus leaving his army seriously weakened.
744:. These troops formed the core of field armies and were medium to heavy cavalry; they were armoured, and fought in coherent units with bow and lance. In contrast, the Turkoman tribesmen were semi-nomadic irregular horsemen, who served under their own chieftains. They lived off their herds and served the sultan on the promise of plunder, the ransom of prisoners, for one-off payments, or if their pasturelands were threatened. These tribesmen were unreliable as soldiers, but were numerous, and were effective as light mounted archers, adept at skirmish tactics.
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37:
1221:, p. 106. It is notable that the two generals leading the counterattacks commanded units which had suffered negligible losses the previous day. It is probable that the Byzantine counter-attacks achieved little because, once in open country, the Seljuks were reluctant to come to close combat with the more heavily armoured Byzantine cavalry, and the Byzantines were unwilling to pursue too far for fear of further ambushes.
819:. Manuel continued to meet the Seljuks in smaller battles with some success, and concluded a probably advantageous peace with Kilij Arslan in 1179. However, like Manzikert, Myriokephalon was a pivotal event and following it the balance between the two powers in Anatolia gradually began to shift, and subsequently, Byzantium was unable to compete for dominance of the Anatolian interior.
936:, p. 98. "The defeat which it suffered in the narrows of Tzibritze, a day's march from Konya, near the ruined fort of Myriokephalon, was correspondingly humiliating. The Turks made great slaughter, took great quantity of booty, and came close to capturing the Emperor himself who gratefully accepted the sultan's offer of a truce in return of demolishing Dorylaion and Sublaion."
1209:, pp. 105–106. Manuel may have had the fate of Romanos Diogenes in mind and have had some apprehension of being captured. His situation was, however, very different to that of Diogenes. Unlike the case of the earlier emperor, Manuel's troops had not dispersed from the battlefield but had drawn together following their defeat and were still capable of defending themselves.
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appear to be hyperbole on the historian's part as Manuel would have placed himself in much greater danger by flight than if he remained in the midst of his army. The following day, the Turks circled the camp firing arrows; Manuel ordered two counterattacks, led by John
Angelos and Constantine Makrodoukas respectively, but there was no renewal of a general action.
642:, and specifically the mountain pass of Tzivritze near the fortress of Myriokephalon. Once at the pass Manuel decided to attack, despite the danger from further ambushes, and also despite the fact that he could have attempted to bring the Turks out of their positions to fight them on the nearby plain of Philomelion, the site of an earlier
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signally failed to sweep the
Seljuks from the pass and this failure was a major cause of the Byzantine defeat. Added to this there seems to have been a failure in generalship by the commanders of the right and left wings, who did not deploy their troops as effectively as had the commanders of the two leading divisions.
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Myriokephalon had more of a psychological impact than a military impact, as it proved that the Empire could not destroy Seljuk power in central
Anatolia, despite the advances made during Manuel's reign. One view is that Manuel had allowed himself to be distracted by a series of military adventures in
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Both sides, it appears, had suffered casualties, though their extent is difficult to quantify. Modern historians have postulated that about half of the
Byzantine army was engaged and around half of those became casualties. As the Byzantine army moved back through the pass after the battle it was seen
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The night was spent in successfully repulsing further attacks by Seljuk mounted archers. Niketas
Choniates states that Manuel considered abandoning his troops but was shamed into staying by the scathing words of an anonymous soldier and the disapproval of a shocked Kontostephanos. However, this would
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An important facet of Manuel's dispositions was that the vanguard was composed of infantry. Infantry are far better troops than cavalry when operating in mountainous terrain and it appears that the infantry van was meant to dislodge any Seljuk soldiery from the high ground dominating the pass. They
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No estimates of Seljuk numbers for the battle have been possible. Primary sources have provided figures for other Seljuk campaigns. In 1160, John
Kontostephanos defeated a force of 22,000 Seljuk Turks and about 20,000–24,000 Turks invaded the Maeander river valley in 1177. However, modern historians
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All sources agree that the
Byzantine force was of exceptional size. The historian John Haldon estimates the army at 25,000–30,000 men, while John Birkenmeier puts it at around 35,000 men. The latter number is derived from the fact that sources indicated a supply train of 3,000 wagons accompanied the
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than the territory bordering the Empire. This shift in power gave Kilij Arslan the freedom to destroy the Danishmend emirates of eastern Anatolia and also eject his brother Shahinshah from his lands near Ankara. Shahinshah, who was Manuel's vassal, and the Danishmend emirs fled to the protection of
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and Sublaeum in the Byzantine-Seljuk borderlands. However, despite Kilij Arslan's protestations of good faith, the retreat of the Byzantine army was harassed by the attacks of Turkoman tribesmen (over whom Kilij Arslan probably had very little control). This, taken with an earlier failure by the
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The Byzantine vanguard was the first to encounter Arslan's troops, and went through the pass with few casualties, as did the main division. Possibly the Turks had not yet fully deployed in their positions. These divisions sent their infantry up onto the slopes to dislodge the Seljuk soldiers, who
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while his larger force marched towards the Seljuk capital at Iconium. Both routes were through heavily wooded regions, where the Turks could easily hide and set up ambushes; the army moving towards Amasia was destroyed in one such ambush. The Turks later displayed Andronikos's head, impaled on a
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The emperor was eventually roused by his officers, re-established discipline and organised his forces into a defensive formation; when formed up, they pushed their way past the wreck of the baggage and out of the pass. Debouching from the pass they rejoined the unscathed van and main divisions,
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where he was treated by Emperor Manuel I Komnenos as both an honoured guest and an imperial vassal. Following this event there was no overt hostility between the two powers for many years. It was a fragile peace, however, as the Seljuks wanted to push from the arid central plateau of
765:. Whilst the rest of the army had been under attack in the pass the troops of the van and main divisions had constructed a fortified encampment. The rear division, under Andronikos Kontostephanos, arrived at the camp somewhat later than the emperor, having suffered few casualties.
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After Manuel's death, the empire drifted into anarchy, and it was never again in a position to mount a major offensive in the east. The defeat of Myriokephalon marked the end of Byzantine attempts to recover the Anatolian plateau, which was now lost to the empire forever.
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Byzantium. In 1175 the peace between Byzantium and the Sultanate of Rûm fell apart when Kilij Arslan refused to hand over to the Byzantines, as he was obliged to do by treaty, a considerable proportion of the territory he had recently conquered from the Danishmends.
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concluded a peace agreement. Manuel wanted to achieve peace for his Anatolian provinces with the help of this treaty. Kilij Arslan needed to eliminate internal rivals and gather his strength. After the death of Nureddin Zangi in 1174, the Sultan conquered the
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sultan to keep his side of a treaty signed in 1162, gave Manuel an excuse to avoid observing the terms of this new arrangement in their entirety. He therefore demolished the fortifications of the less important fortress of Sublaeum but left Dorylaeum intact.
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In 1176, Manuel I Komnenos gathered a large army and set out on a campaign against Konya. The Seljuks, under the command of Kilij Arslan II, organised an ambush at the Tzivritze Pass and defeated the Byzantine Army. According to the Byzantine historian
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have estimated that the various Seljuk successor states (such as the Sultanate of Rum) could field at most 10,000–15,000 men. This is likely a closer estimate for the possible Seljuk strength at Myriokephalon considering the much larger and united
858:
The battle was decisive in that it saved the Seljuk Sultanate but the military balance between the two belligerents was not greatly affected by its outcome. The bulk of Byzantine Asia Minor was retained for more than a century after the battle.
948:, p. 176. "With Manuel were Hungarian allies and his brother-in-law Baldwin of Antioch. Baldwin charged but was killed. The Byzantines suffered heavy losses. Kilij Arslan offered terms and the Byzantines were allowed to withdraw."
561:
During the long peace with the Seljuks, Manuel was able to concentrate his military power in other theatres. In the west, he defeated Hungary and imposed Byzantine control over all the Balkans. In the east, he recovered
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army, which was enough to support 30,000–40,000 men. Birkenmeier believes that the army contained 25,000 Byzantine troops with the remainder composed of an allied contingent of Hungarians sent by Manuel's kinsman
513:. The emirs fled to Manuel, who demanded the surrender of the captured territories of the Danishmendids to him, which the Sultan was obliged to do under the treaty. However, Kilij Arslan ignored Manuel's request.
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Myriokephalon, although a significant defeat for the Byzantines, did not materially affect the capabilities of the Byzantine army. This is underlined by the notable victory the Byzantines won over the Seljuks at
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fielded around 20,000–30,000 men at the Battle of Manzikert in 1071. The Sultanate of Rum was much smaller territorially than the Seljuk Empire and probably had smaller armies, for example, its army at the
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resulted in a treaty favourable to the Empire, with the sultan recognising a form of subordination to the Byzantine emperor. Immediately after peace was negotiated the Seljuk sultan Kilij Arslan II visited
521:, in the vicinity of the pass there were the ruins of the fortress named Myriokephalon, which gave the name to the battle. The exact location of the battle is the subject of debate among researchers.
1245:, p. 107. The "Gabras" who acted as emissary was possibly Iktiyar ad-Din Hasan ibn Gabras, who was Kilij Arslan's vizier. He was a member of the Gabras family of Greek origin that had ruled
650:. The lack of forage, and water for his troops, and the fact that dysentery had broken out in his army may have induced Manuel to decide to force the pass regardless of the danger of ambush.
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to vassal status. However, peace with Byzantium also allowed Killij Arslan to eliminate internal rivals and strengthen his military resources. When the strongest Muslim ruler in Syria
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863:, p. 99. "Whatever he said in the moment of defeat, it was not a disaster on the scale of Manzikert… Even Choniates admits that the frontier in Asia Minor did not collapse."
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on the Meander River the following year. Ironically, this battle was a reverse of Myriokephalon, with a Seljuk army blundering into a classic ambush laid by the Byzantine general
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738:, a type of slave-soldier though this form of nominal slavery was not servile. They were supported by payments in cash or though a semi-feudal system of grants, called
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The Turks also destroyed crops and poisoned water supplies to make Manuel's march more difficult. Arslan harassed the Byzantine army in order to force it into the
493:) in southwestern Turkey on 17 September 1176. The battle was a strategic reverse for the Byzantine forces, who were ambushed when moving through a mountain pass.
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earlier in the 12th century. There were a number of prominent Greek aristocrats in Seljuk employ, including Manuel's first cousin
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The Byzantine army was divided into a number of divisions, which entered the pass in the following order: a vanguard, largely of
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into the more fertile coastal lands, while the Byzantines wanted to recover the Anatolian territory they had lost since the
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by Manuel was supposedly so large that it spread across ten miles, and marched towards the border with the Seljuks via
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The battle was to be the final, unsuccessful effort by the Byzantines to recover the interior of
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of the army or half of those troops who were directly attacked (left and right wings only),
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Brand, Charles M. (1989). "The Turkish Element in Byzantium, Eleventh–Twelfth Centuries".
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Pass of Tzivritze, near the fortress of Myriokephalon (not presently identified), west of
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This image by Gustave Doré shows the Turkish ambush at the pass of Myriokephalon.
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A map of the Byzantine Empire showing the approximate location of Myriokephalon
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and tributary forces supplied by the Principality of Antioch and Serbia.
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s of the sultan and of each of his emirs, and an irregular force of
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Between 1158 and 1161 a series of Byzantine campaigns against the
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1176 battle between the Byzantine Empire and the Seljuk Turks
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emirates and expelled his brother Shahinshah, the ruler of
734:(Arabic for 'soldier') was a full-time soldier, often a
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in 1097 has been estimated at between 6,000–8,000 men.
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from local Armenian dynasts and managed to reduce the
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Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300–1450
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The First Crusade 1096–99: Conquest of the Holy Land
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The Seljuk army consisted of two main sections: the
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The Byzantine Empire 1025–1204: A Political History
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1448:The Development of the Komnenian Army: 1081–1180
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679:); the main division (of eastern and western
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1614:A History of the Byzantine State and Society
1539:Armies and Enemies of the Crusades 1096-1291
1466:The Routledge Companion to Medieval Warfare
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1575:The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–1180
1409:: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
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1043:Great Honours of the Hungarian State
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577:died in 1174, his successor
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481:) was a battle between the
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1552:Hendy, Michael (1985),
1511:Finlay, George (1877),
1116:Heath (1978), pp. 32–39
1037:Voivode of Transylvania
759:Constantine Makrodoukas
646:won by his grandfather
571:Principality of Antioch
528:from the Seljuk Turks.
459:Battle of Myriocephalum
455:Battle of Myriokephalon
185:Constantine Makrodoukas
112:Principality of Antioch
22:Battle of Myriokephalon
1464:Bradbury, Jim (2004),
1251:John Tzelepes Komnenos
1041:Markó, László (2000),
817:John Komnenos Vatatzes
813:Hyelion and Leimocheir
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127:Commanders and leaders
1520:Haldon, John (2001),
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606:The army gathered at
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467:Μάχη του Μυριοκέφαλου
280:Byzantine–Seljuk wars
221:Casualties and losses
29:Byzantine–Seljuq Wars
1064:Birkenmeier, p. 151.
1015:Birkenmeier, p. 132.
957:Magdalino, pp. 76–78
894:Birkenmeier, p. 180.
763:Andronikos Lampardas
175:Andronikos Lampardas
1513:A History of Greece
1347:Birkenmeier, p. 132
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1089:Birkenmeier, p. 54.
1006:, pp. 141–142.
717:Battle of Dorylaeum
691:Theodore Mavrozomes
666:Béla III of Hungary
628:Andronikos Vatatzes
558:a century earlier.
556:Battle of Manzikert
475:Miryokefalon Savaşı
457:(also known as the
180:Theodore Mavrozomes
1524:, Stroud: Tempus,
1522:The Byzantine Wars
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695:John Kantakouzenos
687:Baldwin of Antioch
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162:John Kantakouzenos
149:Baldwin of Antioch
1675:Manuel I Komnenos
1660:Conflicts in 1176
1610:Treadgold, Warren
1537:Heath, I. (2019)
1450:, Boston: Brill,
1439:978-0-58-249060-4
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1285:
1281:
1273:
1269:
1261:
1257:
1241:
1237:
1229:
1225:
1217:
1213:
1205:
1201:
1193:
1189:
1181:
1172:
1164:
1160:
1152:, p. 102;
1148:
1144:
1136:
1132:
1124:
1120:
1115:
1111:
1106:
1102:
1097:
1093:
1088:
1084:
1076:, p. 102;
1072:
1068:
1063:
1059:
1053:
1023:
1019:
1014:
1010:
1002:, p. 101;
998:
994:
986:
982:
974:
970:
965:
961:
956:
952:
944:
940:
932:
928:
920:
913:
905:
898:
893:
882:
874:
867:
857:
853:
849:
837:
808:
775:
750:
730:tribesmen. The
707:
661:
656:
596:
534:
498:Kilij Arslan II
451:
446:
284:
279:
277:
275:
237:
232:
228:
227:
202:Kilij Arslan II
166:
153:
140:
114:
110:
106:
84:
70:
40:
17:
12:
11:
5:
1688:
1678:
1677:
1672:
1667:
1662:
1657:
1652:
1647:
1642:
1628:
1627:
1622:
1606:
1601:
1588:
1583:
1567:
1562:
1549:
1535:
1530:
1517:
1508:
1479:
1474:
1461:
1456:
1443:
1438:
1420:
1417:
1416:
1415:
1396:
1381:
1378:
1376:
1373:
1371:
1370:
1368:Haldon, p. 144
1361:
1359:, p. 102.
1357:Choniates 1984
1349:
1340:
1328:
1319:
1315:Magdalino 1993
1303:
1301:, p. 195.
1291:
1289:, p. 108.
1287:Choniates 1984
1279:
1277:, p. 649.
1275:Treadgold 1997
1267:
1255:
1243:Choniates 1984
1235:
1231:Choniates 1984
1223:
1219:Choniates 1984
1211:
1207:Choniates 1984
1199:
1197:, p. 105.
1195:Choniates 1984
1187:
1185:, p. 143.
1170:
1168:, p. 104.
1166:Choniates 1984
1158:
1150:Choniates 1984
1142:
1138:Choniates 1984
1130:
1128:, p. 142.
1118:
1109:
1100:
1091:
1082:
1080:, p. 142.
1074:Choniates 1984
1066:
1057:
1051:
1033:Leustach Rátót
1017:
1008:
1000:Choniates 1984
992:
990:, p. 103.
988:Choniates 1984
980:
978:, p. 192.
968:
959:
950:
938:
934:Magdalino 1993
926:
924:, p. 131.
911:
909:, p. 128.
896:
880:
878:, p. 198.
865:
861:Magdalino 1993
850:
848:
845:
844:
843:
841:Komnenian army
836:
833:
807:
804:
774:
771:
749:
746:
706:
703:
660:
657:
655:
652:
640:Meander valley
595:
592:
547:Constantinople
533:
530:
448:
447:
445:
444:
439:
434:
429:
424:
419:
414:
409:
404:
399:
394:
389:
388:
387:
382:
372:
367:
362:
357:
352:
347:
342:
337:
330:
325:
320:
315:
310:
305:
300:
295:
289:
286:
285:
274:
273:
266:
259:
251:
243:
242:
239:
238:possibly heavy
223:
222:
218:
217:
214:
210:
209:
205:
204:
199:
198:
197:
195:Leustach Rátót
192:
187:
182:
177:
172:
159:
146:
139:
138:
132:
129:
128:
124:
123:
118:
100:
99:
95:
94:
91:
90:
89:
88:
83:
82:
81:Seljuk victory
78:
76:
72:
71:
61:
59:
55:
54:
51:
43:
42:
32:
31:
24:
23:
15:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
1687:
1676:
1673:
1671:
1668:
1666:
1663:
1661:
1658:
1656:
1653:
1651:
1648:
1646:
1643:
1641:
1638:
1637:
1635:
1625:
1623:0-8047-2630-2
1619:
1615:
1611:
1607:
1604:
1602:1-8417-6515-5
1598:
1594:
1589:
1586:
1584:0-521-30571-3
1580:
1576:
1572:
1568:
1565:
1563:0-521-24715-2
1559:
1555:
1550:
1548:
1547:9780244474881
1544:
1540:
1536:
1533:
1531:0-7524-1777-0
1527:
1523:
1518:
1514:
1509:
1505:
1501:
1497:
1493:
1489:
1485:
1480:
1477:
1475:0-415-22126-9
1471:
1467:
1462:
1459:
1457:90-04-11710-5
1453:
1449:
1444:
1441:
1435:
1431:
1427:
1423:
1422:
1412:
1406:
1399:
1397:0-8143-1764-2
1393:
1389:
1384:
1383:
1365:
1358:
1353:
1344:
1338:, p. 194
1337:
1332:
1323:
1316:
1312:
1307:
1300:
1295:
1288:
1283:
1276:
1271:
1264:
1259:
1252:
1248:
1244:
1239:
1232:
1227:
1220:
1215:
1208:
1203:
1196:
1191:
1184:
1179:
1177:
1175:
1167:
1162:
1155:
1151:
1146:
1140:, p. 102
1139:
1134:
1127:
1122:
1113:
1104:
1098:Nicolle, p.24
1095:
1086:
1079:
1075:
1070:
1061:
1054:
1052:963-547-085-1
1048:
1044:
1038:
1034:
1030:
1027:
1021:
1012:
1005:
1001:
996:
989:
984:
977:
972:
963:
954:
947:
946:Bradbury 2004
942:
935:
930:
923:
918:
916:
908:
903:
901:
891:
889:
887:
885:
877:
872:
870:
862:
855:
851:
842:
839:
838:
832:
828:
824:
820:
818:
814:
803:
801:
797:
792:
789:
779:
770:
766:
764:
760:
754:
745:
743:
742:
737:
733:
729:
725:
720:
718:
713:
712:Seljuk Empire
702:
700:
696:
692:
688:
684:
683:
678:
674:
669:
667:
651:
649:
645:
641:
636:
633:
629:
625:
621:
617:
613:
609:
600:
591:
588:
584:
580:
576:
572:
569:
565:
559:
557:
553:
548:
543:
539:
529:
527:
522:
520:
514:
512:
508:
503:
499:
494:
492:
488:
484:
480:
476:
472:
464:
460:
456:
443:
442:2nd Trebizond
440:
438:
435:
433:
430:
428:
425:
423:
420:
418:
417:1st Trebizond
415:
413:
410:
408:
405:
403:
402:Myriokephalon
400:
398:
395:
393:
390:
386:
383:
381:
378:
377:
376:
373:
371:
368:
366:
363:
361:
358:
356:
353:
351:
348:
346:
343:
341:
338:
336:
335:
334:2nd Manzikert
331:
329:
326:
324:
321:
319:
316:
314:
311:
309:
308:1st Manzikert
306:
304:
301:
299:
296:
294:
291:
290:
287:
282:
272:
267:
265:
260:
258:
253:
252:
249:
240:
225:
224:
219:
215:
213:25,000–40,000
212:
211:
206:
203:
200:
196:
193:
191:
188:
186:
183:
181:
178:
176:
173:
171:
169:
163:
160:
158:
156:
150:
147:
145:
142:
141:
137:
134:
133:
131:
130:
125:
122:
119:
117:
113:
109:
105:
102:
101:
96:
86:
85:
80:
79:
77:
74:
73:
69:
65:
60:
57:
56:
52:
49:
48:
44:
38:
33:
30:
25:
20:
1665:1176 in Asia
1613:
1592:
1574:
1553:
1538:
1521:
1512:
1487:
1483:
1465:
1447:
1429:
1387:
1364:
1352:
1343:
1331:
1326:Brand, p. 12
1322:
1306:
1294:
1282:
1270:
1258:
1238:
1226:
1214:
1202:
1190:
1161:
1145:
1133:
1121:
1112:
1107:Haldon, p.85
1103:
1094:
1085:
1069:
1060:
1042:
1020:
1011:
995:
983:
971:
962:
953:
941:
929:
854:
829:
825:
821:
809:
793:
784:
767:
755:
751:
739:
731:
723:
721:
708:
680:
670:
662:
637:
622:, Choma and
605:
560:
538:Seljuk Turks
535:
523:
515:
495:
487:Seljuk Turks
478:
458:
454:
452:
412:Claudiopolis
401:
340:2nd Caesarea
332:
318:1st Caesarea
167:
154:
98:Belligerents
27:Part of the
1432:, Longman,
1336:Angold 1984
1311:Angold 1984
1299:Finlay 1877
1263:Angold 1984
1183:Haldon 2001
1154:Haldon 2001
1126:Haldon 2001
1078:Haldon 2001
1004:Haldon 2001
976:Angold 1984
876:Haldon 2001
392:2nd Iconium
370:Philomelion
323:1st Iconium
1634:Categories
907:Hendy 1985
847:References
659:Byzantines
552:Asia Minor
532:Background
507:Danishmend
365:2nd Nicaea
355:1st Nicaea
298:Vaspurakan
1247:Trebizond
806:Aftermath
796:Manzikert
788:Dorylaeum
618:, Lampe,
587:Palestine
397:Turbessel
385:Sozopolis
345:Oinousses
1612:(1997),
1573:(1993),
1428:(1984),
1405:citation
1388:Historia
1026:Palatine
835:See also
728:Turkoman
673:infantry
630:towards
620:Celaenae
612:Laodicea
608:Lopadion
568:Crusader
526:Anatolia
485:and the
380:Laodicea
360:Mersivan
328:Sebastia
303:Kapetron
226:Approx.
208:Strength
68:Anatolia
58:Location
1504:1291603
773:Outcome
705:Seljuks
682:Tagmata
677:cavalry
648:Alexios
644:victory
624:Antioch
579:Saladin
564:Cilicia
540:of the
471:Turkish
422:Antalya
350:Antioch
241:Unknown
231:⁄
168:†
155:†
108:Hungary
1620:
1599:
1581:
1560:
1545:
1528:
1502:
1472:
1454:
1436:
1394:
1049:
1031:, and
748:Battle
736:mamluk
732:askari
632:Amasia
616:Chonae
511:Ankara
432:Sinope
164:
151:
75:Result
1500:JSTOR
1029:Ampud
741:iqta'
724:askar
594:March
583:Egypt
491:Konya
463:Greek
437:Sudak
293:Ganja
190:Ampud
64:Konya
1618:ISBN
1597:ISBN
1579:ISBN
1558:ISBN
1543:ISBN
1526:ISBN
1470:ISBN
1452:ISBN
1434:ISBN
1411:link
1392:ISBN
1047:ISBN
761:and
693:and
585:and
453:The
50:Date
1492:doi
477:or
313:Ani
1636::
1498:.
1488:43
1486:.
1407:}}
1403:{{
1173:^
1035:,
914:^
899:^
883:^
868:^
701:.
614:,
473::
469:,
465::
461:,
66:,
1506:.
1494::
1413:)
1253:.
1039:.
270:e
263:t
256:v
233:4
229:1
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