The Revolution Will Not Be Televised (film)

1093:(who announced Chávez's resignation on television), was not part of the coup and remained in the government after April 2002. The petition draws the conclusion, "(1) either General Rincón stated a truth that was accepted throughout the whole country ... or (2) General Rincón lied, because he was an accomplice ... that seems not to be the truth because he ." Only one of the high command joined Carmona's interim administration before contributing to its downfall by withdrawing his support. The military leaders shown withdrawing their support for Chávez were not the high command, and Vice-Admiral Hector Ramirez Perez was not the head of the navy, as the film claims. Gunson says, "With one solitary exception, these generals and admirals had not 'fled abroad' after the Carmona government collapsed." Although Bartley and Ó Briain accept that Rincón said Chávez "had agreed to resign", they reiterate that "elements in the military force in the effort to make Chávez resign"; the filmmakers say it is "irrelevant" that the whole military did not join the coup, as this "is the case with most coups". General Rincón's announcement was omitted because they felt it was "supplementary to the main, key fact of the story", that no documentary evidence of the resignation exists. 982:. The body investigated official protests made by several Caracas residents. The concerns largely focused on footage of the residents' attending a neighborhood meeting in June 2002, which was positioned in the film as a prelude to the April coup attempt. The residents said that the filmmakers had used footage of them without consent and that the film had misrepresented their views. In September 2005, Ofcom provisionally ruled that it had not upheld the complaints, citing the BBC's internal review and rebuttal as grounds. A subsequent appeal by the residents was unsuccessful. Two weeks after Ofcom's initial ruling, the BBC announced it had closed the complaint and that no further investigations would take place. Stoneman believed the BBC had overreacted, saying its guardedness was merely a product of being a frequent victim of press attacks on its ethos. Fraser said, "The film was very good in many respects, but also misleading." He believed the filmmakers considered Chávez honorable, but having written a book on 510:, a working title taken from Chávez's weekly television and radio program. BSÉ set about exploring avenues of funding; the organization persuaded Bartley and Ó Briain to make a short pilot to show to potential investors, but refused the filmmakers' application for a €60,000 grant towards their €131,000 production budget. BSÉ felt the pair needed to partner with a production company that had experience in the field, and which could help raise the remaining funds. Bartley and Ó Briain approached Power Pictures and, with the addition of David Power as a producer, reapplied for the grant. Even as filming began, the full budget—now at €200,000—had not been secured. David Power pitched the project at several documentary festivals and markets. At Dublin's Stranger Than Fiction festival in September 2001, the 560:

had ... this notion of investigating Chávez—was he a demagogue? Was the media persona just that? What makes him tick? My sense had changed as we got closer; what we're seeing here is a guy who is motivated, driven, not the demagogue with another side, drinking, carousing. I began to see him as more transparent—what you see is what you get." Bartley and Ó Briain began by attempting to build a relationship with Chávez that would allow them the access they required. At first, the president's staff treated the filmmakers with suspicion and made filming difficult. After numerous delays, Bartley and Ó Briain finally got through to Chávez. They calculated that they needed to "press the right buttons" to gain his support, so they presented him with an old edition of the memoirs of the general

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the film did not concentrate entirely on the coup. They had intended to include more historical and political context; it wasn't until late in post-production that the focus narrowed to include more emphasis on the media's role in Venezuelan politics. In October 2002, a two-hour "rough cut" was shown to Stoneman and Brendan McCarthy, BSÉ's head of Production and Development. This version included the "witness" accounts that Bartley and Ó Briain had captured after April 2002. Stoneman felt that these sequences reinforced the film's claims, but "diluted its originality". He argued that they be cut, and that to compensate, Bartley and Ó Briain should record a voice-over and place themselves more in the frame as witness-protagonists, ideas that the filmmakers initially resisted.

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that "the opposition march had never taken that route" and that Chávez's supporters were only returning fire. Gunson charges that this edit is itself a misrepresentation, stating that the film does not mention that both sets of marchers were fired upon, and taking issue with the implication that "coup plotters" were the shooters. In response, the filmmakers say, "Nowhere in the film did we say that only were shot ... Nobody can say with certainty who orchestrated the shootings." Gunson also asserts that the footage of the empty street was taken earlier that day, citing an "analysis of the shadows" by Schalk, who created a counter-documentary,

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citing footage that shows them shooting at opposition protesters from a bridge. The narration states, "What the TV stations didn't broadcast was , which clearly shows that the streets below were empty. The opposition march had never taken that route." Later, the state television signal is cut; rumors circulate that the opposition has taken over the studio. At the palace, members of the military high command demand Chávez's resignation, threatening to bomb the building. The president refuses to resign, but submits to their custody. He is led away, and Carmona announces on television that a transitional government will be established.

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position, and since its release it has rapidly become "the prevailing interpretation of ". The film's critics charge that it omits or misrepresents important events. Much of the criticism is centered on the filmmakers' "use of stock devices", such as compositing clips from several events to present them as one incident. Parallel editing also depicts sequences as if they occurred at the same time, when some of the footage was captured on different days. Bartley and Ó Briain justify these methods as standard practice in the construction of documentary realist films. Caracas-based journalist Phil Gunson, writing in

580:, following Chávez and his staff. As the 11 April crisis unfolded, Bartley and Ó Briain filmed outside the palace, first capturing footage of the demonstrations and subsequent violence, then events inside the palace during the afternoon, evening and early hours of 12 April. Through their previous contacts at the palace, Bartley and Ó Briain were able to continue filming without interference: "no one paid any attention to us—we just blended in." Later that day, Bartley and Ó Briain stayed away from the palace through fears for their safety. Unable to leave the country—the 888:, says that most of the film critics who embraced the film ignored "the complex, messy reality" of the situation. He charges that the filmmakers "omit key facts, invent others, twist the sequence of events to support their case, and replace inconvenient images with others dredged from archives". Bartley and Ó Briain argue that Gunson's points are "issues of dispute" that "continue to divide opinion" in Venezuela. Author Brian A. Nelson says that Bartley and Ó Briain—in their initial meeting with Chávez—did more than merely invoke the Irish general 611:(DV) cameras, Bartley and Ó Briain shot over 200 hours of material on 300 DV tapes. They intended that editing take ten weeks; instead, it took six months. Rod Stoneman, BSÉ's CEO at the time, described the amount of footage compared to the film's final length as "exceptional". The 200:1 ratio was far above the norm for most documentaries, which usually have a ratio of 10:1 or 15:1. When the filmmakers returned to Ireland, they decided they needed an editor who spoke Spanish. Bartley remembered a documentary she had seen about baseball in Cuba, 3641: 3049: 3636: 1229:, Scott Foundas wrote that the film was a "superior example of fearless filmmakers in exactly the right place at the right time", and likely the best of a string of documentaries that have shone the light on US involvement in South America. He had praise for the camera work and editing, and said the film was a "startling record" that reached "another level" when events shifted to the presidential palace. He cited these scenes—along with those of the protesters' clashing—as ones that "spark with a vibrant tension and uncertainty". 1138:. A book "of film studies rather than politics", it nevertheless looks in detail at the petition's arguments. Stoneman "broadly absolves" the filmmakers; he concludes, "There were some relatively small examples of slippage in the grammar of the piece, but overall the film was made with honesty and integrity. Of the 18 objections made, 15, if not 17, were wrong. The filmmakers spent a long time assembling evidence to show why they'd done what they'd done in the film and mostly it's true." Stoneman conceded that the filmmakers' 2464:. "... que fue mostrado por primera vez por VTV el 13 de abril de 2003. Posteriormente, el Gobierno hizo 10 mil copias en Cuba de esta producción para mostrarla en diversas partes del mundo. ... La pieza audovisual 'tiene un lobby millonario que cuenta con apoyo de las embajadas venezolanas y hasta agencias de relaciones públicas que manejan presupuestos enormes para exhibir la cinta gratuitamente en las universidades o en cines comerciales de urbes como San Francisco, Los Angeles, Chicago o Nueva York'." 291:(BSÉ), for a development grant. At BSÉ's request, the filmmakers partnered with a more experienced producer and shot a short pilot to show to potential investors. Funding for the €200,000 production was provided by BSÉ and several European broadcasters. Bartley and Ó Briain shot more than 200 hours of material; editing focused on identifying footage that would make the film entertaining and drive the plot. It was at this stage that the film's coverage narrowed to concentrate more on the coup attempt. 643:

Bartley, would "get the boot in". Although the BBC did not ask outright, Bartley's impression was that the organization wanted the film to be "against Chávez". Fraser later said he had asked for the filmmakers to "include with someone not a Chávez supporter". He also suggested that a more experienced director be employed to help edit the film. The filmmakers "made a few minor concessions", but resisted major edits. Ó Briain's voice-over in the final cut was "polished up but not significantly changed".

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13 April, they gather to protest outside Miraflores, while palace guards plot to retake the building. The guards take up key positions and, at a prearranged signal, take members of the new government prisoner. The state television channel is relaunched and urges the army to back Chávez. "Full military control" is returned to the Chávez administration and the president arrives at the palace amid celebratory scenes. Chávez makes an address in which he says it is fine to oppose him, but not the

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filmed an opposition community group as its members considered "how to defend themselves against possible ... attacks" from Chávez's supporters. In the film, this sequence is placed before the march. Bartley justified the action, saying that the residents' opinions were representative of those held "long before" the events of April 2002. Responding to the critique, the BBC added a date stamp to the sequence for the film's repeat broadcast. Gunson also cites footage of Caracas mayor

848:(VIO) "encouraged art-house theaters" to screen the film. Government representatives aided the film's distribution officially and unofficially. Venezuelan filmmaker Wolfgang Schalk said the film counted on the worldwide support of Venezuelan embassies and a public relations effort to show the film free at universities and theaters in cities such as San Francisco, Los Angeles, Chicago and New York. Peace Action New York was given permission for a screening during a fund raiser in the 415:. Nevertheless, by early 2002, Venezuela was "embroiled ... in a severe political crisis" as Chávez sought to bring more of the country's vast oil wealth under state control. Although the state-owned radio and television stations remained staunch advocates of Chávez's stated policies—to redistribute the nation's wealth to the poorest—the private media was more hostile. The crisis reached a head when Chávez attempted to remove the management of the state oil company, 1016:"scene by scene to uncover narrative strategies and use of artifice". Brian A. Nelson agreed with the analysis, claiming that Baralt Avenue was not as empty as the film portrays and that the filmmakers "put a black bar at the top of the frame to hide the Metropolitan Police trucks that were still there". Bartley and Ó Briain reaffirmed their claim that the opposition did not pass below the Puente Llaguno bridge, citing eyewitness statements—including one from 3967: 1074:

brown-skinned, and cheerful" and the opposition as "rich, white, racist, and violent". He says that the opposition protests were multiracial and that armed government supporters "made the center of Caracas a no-go area". Bartley and Ó Briain cite several commentators who uphold the claim that Chávez's supporters "were broadly poor and dark-skinned and the opposition broadly white and middle class", including Gunson himself in an April 2002 article in

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independence", while supporters "encouraged theatergoers to denounce censorship" and sign a petition. Opposition protests also greeted showings in Canada, Australia and France. The run at the Film Forum earned $ 26,495 (€22,600)—several thousand above Maggiore's expectations. After a limited run in theaters in six cities, the film had earned over $ 200,000 (€171,000), not quite profitable, but still considered "a significant sum for a documentary".

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finale"—including an image from another day—as if it occurred during the protest's approach to the palace, accompanied by the narrated claim that "some in the vanguard looked ready for a fight". Bartley and Ó Briain admit that they included a "limited" amount of archive footage, but say it was a "legitimate reconstruction" to build context "before the core narrative of the coup off" as they "could not be everywhere filming at all times".

596:"While I'm editing a film, I never forget that it is entertainment ... Something that people are going to pay for to watch and thus make them think, laugh, or learn things they didn't know before. So you must never ever let them get bored. ... There are always hundreds of stories sleeping inside the material and you have to find them and wake them up. But you have to organise them in a way that they become entertainment." 503:(BSÉ), for a development grant. Bartley and Ó Briain proposed a fly-on-the-wall documentary, a "personal profile and intimate portrait" of Chávez that would be "broadly supportive" of him. During their 2000 visit, the filmmakers had sensed that "something genuinely was happening" in Caracas, and felt an urgency to get the project underway; even so, it wasn't until April 2001 that BSÉ approved the £6000 (€9500) grant. 1531: 576:

being on the streets". Chávez had recently "upped the ante" with the introduction of the Land Law. Increasing tensions further, in February 2002, Chávez took control of PDVSA; the private media stepped up its criticism of Chávez, which for Bartley and Ó Briain "marked the beginning of an exciting phase". By April 2002, Bartley and Ó Briain were in Caracas and spent much of their time filming at

1124:, which set out to expose its "manipulation". Schalk said the film "presented a distorted version of events ... to fit a story that appeals to audiences". Schalk is associated with the Venezuelan opposition; Bartley and Ó Briain say that it is "not insignificant that Schalk has led the well-resourced campaign, linked to , to discredit and suppress ". 852:, where 250 people paid $ 35 (€30) each to see the film and take part in a "question-and-answer session" with guests such as Leonor Granado, the Venezuelan Consul General. The consulate office made DVDs of the film available to "anyone who wanted a copy", as Granado said the film was vital to "building support in for the Venezuelan government". 31: 473:. The closing titles say Carmona fled to Miami while under house arrest, and that Ortega went into hiding, only reappearing to help lead the opposition after Chávez said there would be no repercussions. Most of the dissident generals, after being expelled from the army, fled to the US. Others remained as part of the opposition. 419:(PDVSA), provoking a showdown. "Oil managers, business leaders, and large segments of organized labor" called a general strike. The strike was backed by a large segment of the population, "particularly the country's increasingly impoverished middle class" and army officers upset at the increasing politicization of the military. 1272:

into a villain was ineffective. He said, "because view the chasm that divides Venezuela purely in the context of the Cold War and Latin American political instability, they downplay the class warfare that's exploding right in front of them." Nevertheless, Burr concluded that the film's narrow focus remained engrossing.

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concern over an error with the end titles and the use of out-of-chronology footage, saying the latter was "a real problem—particularly ... since it has been used in a film dedicated to exposing the frauds of Venezuelan TV". The furor came at a difficult time for the corporation, which was under the spotlight of the

1285:-style thriller" that was "worth watching down to the last thrilling minute". He said that knowing how uncertain Venezuela's future was made the film even more powerful. Thomson believed the handheld video was put to good use, calling its "news-breaking immediacy ... intoxicating". He concluded, " 1184:

gets viewers inside these tense, emotional and occasionally terrifying events with immediacy and, given the confusion of the time, remarkable clarity. Bartley and O'Briain are clearly Chavez supporters—their glowing portrait of this controversial leader is never punctuated by critical questions about

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as they shot at Baralt Avenue below, an area purportedly full of opposition marchers. The film says this footage was edited to show the gunmen but not the people near them who were ducking to avoid being shot. It follows with images taken from above the bridge showing an empty Baralt Avenue, claiming

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s commissioning editor, Nick Fraser, be sacked. Toward the end of 2003, the weight of criticism forced the BBC to act. The corporation's complaints unit opened an investigation, and Fraser said the BBC would not show the film again until it had concluded. He wrote to David Power expressing particular

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As editing progressed, budget shortfalls prevented BSÉ from finalizing contracts. The organization also restricted post-production funds to "limit exposure" in the event the project was not completed. Stoneman contacted a former colleague at the BBC, Nick Fraser, who had declined to help finance the

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On 11 April 2002, hundreds of thousands of people marched in protest against the government. Abandoning their planned route, the marchers advanced towards the palace, a path that took them close to government supporters who had come out in opposition to the protest. Journalist Phil Gunson wrote,

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The large amount of footage, and the fact that the filmmakers were "in a sense ... looking at it for the first time", meant that the film's concept only became clear during editing. The events of 11–13 April gave it "a new dramatic centre", although Bartley and Ó Briain were keen that

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On 11 April, opposition protesters begin their march outside PDVSA's headquarters in Caracas; Chávez's supporters gather outside the presidential palace. The protest route is changed to take it to the palace; shots ring out and civilians are killed. The private media blames Chávez's supporters,

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later appeared at film festivals and secured a limited theatrical release on the art house circuit. Independent activists held unofficial screenings, and Venezuelan government officials encouraged its circulation to build support for Chávez's administration. The film is regularly shown on Venezuelan

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removed from office for two days. With particular emphasis on the role played by Venezuela's private media, the film examines several key incidents: the protest march and subsequent violence that provided the impetus for Chávez's ousting; the opposition's formation of an interim government headed by

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Other issues of contention include the lack of historical context; the film does not cover some of the events leading up to Chávez's ousting, including the long-running political crisis and the general strike. Gunson also criticizes the filmmakers for showing events out of order. In June 2002, they

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Bartley and Ó Briain showed the film to Chávez in February 2003. They recalled his response as "quite emotional". BSÉ waived Venezuelan licensing fees for the film; on 13 April, it was screened simultaneously with the television broadcast at a cinema in Caracas, before which Chávez made a

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that "we've done Chávez". Nevertheless, the BBC pre-purchased the film and in December 2002 received a rough cut. At the BBC's behest, the opening of the television version was made more dramatic. Fraser was unsure about the voice-over; he asked for a more "opinionated" narration that, according to

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corroborated their claim that opposition forces took over VTV. The film also presents footage of armored vehicles around the palace, which Gunson says were there at the request of the president, not the opposition. He also challenges the film for presenting Chávez's supporters as "invariably poor,

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claims that state television was "the only channel to which had access", but does not mention that during the violence he requisitioned "all radio and TV frequencies" to broadcast his two-hour address. Private television circumvented the rules allowing this action by splitting the screen, showing

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Irish film festival in Los Angeles. Among the viewers was the president of Vitagraph Films, David Schultz, who bought the rights for theatrical distribution and paid for the film to be converted from video. Schultz initially struggled to secure the support of exhibitors; they were skeptical of the

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Although ensconced with Chávez and his entourage, Bartley and Ó Briain felt a disconnect from the events of the outside world. During a "chaotic" road-trip with Chávez, they "knew something was coming", and divined that Chávez's trip was intended to bolster his support and "get people used to

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On 12 April, opposition leaders appear on private television, where they disclose their plan to unseat Chávez. Carmona is sworn in as president while images play of unrest on the streets. Defying media censorship, Chávez's supporters disseminate the story that the president did not resign. On

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called the film "our best chance" to find out what really happened on 11–13 April, but cautioned that the filmmakers' "pro-Chávez stance" meant that for wider context audiences should look elsewhere, as it left out too much of Chávez's record. Burr also said the film's attempt to make the US

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as he sings to a happy group of Chávez supporters in front of the palace. Later images of a "differently dressed Bernal" reveal that the footage was from another day. Similarly, Gunson says that until shot at, "The opposition march was entirely peaceful." The film presents footage of its "violent

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with Bartley and Ó Briain, Zoido asked them, "What do we want to tell in this scene?" He focused on two factors: how much information would be necessary to drive the plot, and provide an emotional core. Preferring to work alone, Zoido would then send the filmmakers from the edit suite. After

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in the north of the country. Bartley become fascinated with how those affected by the tragedy perceived Chávez, and in late 2000, she and Donnacha Ó Briain—a filmmaker and former colleague who shared her interest in "Latin American politics and issues around globalization"—spent two weeks in

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is being presented as an author's film, as an objective journalistic research film, while it is really a very well plotted and accomplished propaganda operation, supported logistically by the Venezuelan government, with the aim of misleading unprepared spectators of countries who do not know the

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Interviews with communities from both sides of the political divide indicate how Chávez is seen by the rich and poor. The latter support his stated aim to redistribute the country's oil wealth; the former fear totalitarianism and are worried Chávez will institute communism. In February 2002, the

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paints Chávez in a favorable light, which has led to disputes over its neutrality and accuracy; particular attention is paid to its framing of the violence of 11–13 April, the filmmakers' editing of the timeline, and the omission of incidents and personnel. The film is variously cited as an

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was also overshadowed by a letter to the Grierson jury from London-based Venezuelan filmmakers, who disputed its version of events. Opposition demonstrators at the Film Forum première attempted to throw doubt on the film's "impartiality, precision, veracity, editorial integrity, and ideological

585:Ó Briain returned to the palace on 13 April, the cameraman let them have his footage. They remained filming in Venezuela until July 2002, interviewing residents and recording "witness" accounts from those who had been present during the coup—ministers, security guards and journalists. 294:

The film was positively received by mainstream film critics and won several awards. Reviewers cited the filmmakers' unprecedented proximity to key events and praised the film for its "riveting narrative"; criticism focused on its lack of context and pro-Chávez bias. First shown on television in

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called it a "remarkable documentary" full of "astonishing shots". Both critics said the film was made so through the filmmakers' unique inside access to the events at the palace with Ebert calling that aspect "unique in film history". Although Ebert was generally very praising of the film, he

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was closed—the filmmakers instead took to the streets, "to document the repression were witnessing". At the same time, a press office cameraman was in the palace, "reluctant to lose his job despite the change in government". He filmed the formation of the interim government. When Bartley and

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is "often acrimonious". The film has become key to framing people's understanding of the events of April 2002. The previously accepted international view was that Chávez's ousting came from a "spontaneous popular response" to the repression of his regime; the film "directly contradicts" this

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In 2000, Bartley and Ó Briain had been promised "exclusive access" to Chávez by the government's Minister of Communications. They arrived in Venezuela in September 2001. While filming the pilot they met the president, after which they reconsidered their approach. Bartley explained, "We

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One of the film's key contentions is that the private media aired footage selectively to make it look like the violence of 11 April was caused by Chávez's supporters, portraying them as an "irrational and uncivilized mob". Private television repeatedly showed Chávez's supporters on

904:"Controversy and contention began to build around , with a high level of complaints and responses reaching organisers, distributors and curators, culminating in the publication of articles, a petition and formal complaints. ... From the point of view of those who opposed Chávez, 855:

Journalist Michael McCaughan invited a group of people who held anti-Chávez views to a screening of the film. He said some among the audience changed their opinion of Chávez after seeing it, although many remained hostile. McCaughan said the consensus opinion was that the film was

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premièred to the public at the Film Forum in November 2003. The showing was accompanied by protests outside the theater from supporters and detractors of the film, both of whom "attempted to influence audience reception". A few weeks previously, the film had been withdrawn from an

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to gain the president's support for filming; Nelson alleges that they offered to portray the president positively in return for open access, with a "you scratch my back if I scratch yours" understanding that he says was ultimately reflected in the film's "unabashed pro-Chavismo."

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also aired in Canada, Japan, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Finland and Denmark. The speed of the television broadcasts left a full theatrical run unlikely—a fact the filmmakers later regretted. The film also failed to be picked up by a television company in the US, although

423:"Shooting broke out on all sides. A score of civilians died and more than 150 suffered gunshot wounds. The military high command called for Chávez to resign, and at 3:20 the next morning they announced he had agreed to do so. The presidency was assumed by a business leader, 686:

documentary series. The broadcast prompted a passionate public and critical response, and "lively debate" on radio and in newspapers; RTÉ soon arranged for a repeat broadcast. In the United Kingdom, it aired on BBC Two on 16 October 2003, as part of the channel's

1174:, assigned the film a score of 81 out of 100, based on 23 critics, indicating "universal acclaim". Almost all local and national film critics in the United States said the film presented a "riveting narrative", but conceded that it was a biased account of the events. 530:

also committed €10,000. At a November market in Amsterdam, Power once again approached the BBC and was turned down, as the organization believed the film's subject was "too far away to be relevant to lives". However, RTÉ's Kevin Dawson pushed the film at a

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approach meant that for wider historical and political context, viewers should look elsewhere. Stoneman received an "Executive Producer" credit on the film, which he explains as an unasked-for gratuity that came by virtue of his position as head of BSÉ.

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Much of the anger about the film stemmed from its high-profile internationally; that it had been "blessed with the imprimatur of the BBC ... with its connotations of fair and authoritative reporting" only made matters worse. John Burns, writing in

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and Gunson, staff left willingly. Gunson further alleges that footage of VTV's signal being cut—mid-interview with a government legislator—was fabricated. Bartley and Ó Briain say they witnessed ministers' being unable to broadcast and that the

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Of greater concern, Gunson says, is the "deliberate blurring of responsibility for the coup". The film presents the idea that the military commanders dispersed, "leaving a total power vacuum". However, the high command's senior figure, General

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biography of the president. They spent seven months filming in Venezuela, following Chávez and his staff and interviewing ordinary citizens. As the coup unfolded on 11 April, Bartley and Ó Briain filmed on the streets of the capital,

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published a "detailed critique" as part of an internet petition that attracted 11,000 signatories, 85% of whom self-identified as Venezuelan. Directed at the European broadcasters that financed and aired the film, the petition said in part,

615:, so they hired its editor, Ángel Hernández Zoido. Zoido approached the film as if it were entertainment, feeling that the primary concern was to ensure the audience did not get bored. He tackled each scene the same way. After watching the 452:

media war intensifies after Chavez takes control of PDVSA. The film states that the company was previously run as a private interest for the benefit of a minority, despite being state-owned. Business leader Pedro Carmona and union boss

1261:", citing the way in which it examined how television can be used to "deceive and manipulate the public". He reproached the film's uncritical depiction of Chávez, and how it hinted at CIA involvement without presenting any proof. 945:

totality of events." The petition submitted 18 specific points of contention with the film. Venezuelan private television soon aired two programs "dissecting and denouncing" the film, and similar newspaper articles followed.

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express concern about Chávez's rule and stress the importance of Venezuela's oil. A Venezuelan general appears on private television to voice similar disquiet. Carmona appeals for a public protest at the offices of PDVSA.

331:'s overthrow by general uprising in 1958. Although the military remained influential, Venezuela's government has since been chosen by civilians through democratic processes. Until 1998, the dominant political parties were 1618:"You cannot put a rope around the neck of an idea; you cannot put an idea up against the barrack-square wall and riddle it with bullets; you cannot confine it in the strongest prison cell your slaves could ever build." 1592:, in Venezuela, "It is hard, if not impossible, to find an impartial observer. Most of the country's private news media have openly joined the opposition. State radio and TV are crude cheerleaders for the government." 1166:, 98% of 47 critics' reviews are positive, with an average rating of 7.9/10. The website's consensus reads: "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised is as persuasive and engrossing as it is unapologetically biased." 379:

and was imprisoned. A second coup attempt, without his involvement, also failed. Chávez enjoyed some popular support for his actions. Released from prison in 1994, he recast his revolutionary group as a legitimate

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criticised the way in which Chávez's opponents were portrayed, while Shenk faulted the lack of historical context; however, he said this was balanced by the film's "brevity and succinctness". In

526:(RTÉ) expressed interest in providing development funds; no such deal was made, but RTÉ did offer €10,000 (subsequently €20,000) for the Irish broadcast rights. In October, the Dutch broadcaster 1080:. Gunson does agree that the film was right to point out that the private media "behaved disgracefully" by "systematically viewpoint from print, radio, and TV" during the period of the coup. 1241:

said the film was a "gripping" account that did "an excellent job in deconstructing the Venezuelan TV news footage of blood, chaos, and rival crowds", and said it was "nearly a textbook on

3275: 791:. They only became receptive a few months later, when political perceptions shifted and the public became more aware of Venezuela because of its oil wealth. One such exhibitor was the 442:

and the international community's attacks on his character. The film outlines Chávez's rise to power, before covering his day-to-day routine and appearances on his television show,

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for an Irish charity. Following a visit to Venezuela to determine the feasibility of a film project, the pair formed a production company and applied to Ireland's film board,

935:("The Worm of Light"), an organization associated with the Venezuelan opposition. In July, Schalk had complained to RTÉ about its broadcast of the film. On 21 October, 3301:. Retrieved 3 March 2010. "Het is een van de films uit de Top 10 van filmmaker en journalist Maziar Bahari (Teheran, 1967), sinds 2000 vaste IDFA-gast ... 2508: 499:

Caracas to determine the feasibility of a film project. The pair formed a production company, Runway Films, and in January 2001 applied to Ireland's film board,

3214: 1295:, Brett Sokol agreed that the film was "never less than thrilling", but said that as history, it was "strictly agitprop". Similarly, Mark Jenkins wrote in the 825: 1108: 782:, the Galway Film Fleadh and the Los Angeles Wine & Country Festival. In March 2003, a VHS copy of the film screened to under 100 people as part of an 581: 3794: 1570: 810:

film festival in Vancouver; staff at the organization's Caracas arm said they "feared for their safety if it were shown". The film's success at the 2003

318: 3298: 1739: 1314: 924: 860:'excellent' and reasonably objective", but that "Chávez remained a dictator leading the country to a totalitarian grave". As of 2006, groups such as 3837: 908:'constitutes the main weapon of the Venezuelan government to disseminate internationally a biased, manipulated and lying version of what happens . 4014: 3272: 3186: 2083:"The Camera Is Mightier Than the... Trapped inside a Venezuelan coup: Kim Bartley and Donnacha O'Briain's 'The Revolution Will Not Be Televised'" 3819: 2946: 4054: 986:

was more skeptical himself. Fraser concluded, "I still think it's a good film, because of the coup sequence. It should be seen as a Venezuelan

795:

in New York City. Mike Maggiore, a programmer at the theater, worked to market the film and raise its profile with film critics. He created

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film's commercial prospects, and believed "the environment was not hospitable" for a film critical of the US so close to the start of the

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was directed by Irish filmmakers Kim Bartley and Donnacha Ó Briain. Given direct access to Chávez, the filmmakers intended to make a

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speech saying, "Watch this film and you will see the face of the coup." Pro-Chávez activists also distributed the film unofficially. The

2451: 1118:, he was commissioned by the Federation of Venezuelan Movie Directors to "produce a response", and in 2004 they created the documentary 724:, and in 2007 to "help build support" for the government's controversial attempt to not renew the license of private television network 4009: 3713: 3317: 1641: 1281:

stated that the film successfully reproduced the "panic and fear" at the palace as events unfolded, saying it came across like a "raw,

376: 4034: 3687: 3682: 1857:

Gunson, Phil (May–June 2004). "Director's cut: did an acclaimed documentary about the 2002 coup in Venezuela tell the whole story?".

3708: 572:. Slowly, Bartley and Ó Briain gained their subjects' trust, "dissolving any self-consciousness as a result of their cameras". 251: 3871: 2537: 3569: 1070: 3891: 3294: 3743: 3723: 3365: 1461: 971:; the BBC had been criticized for reporting that intelligence dossiers had been "sexed up" by the UK government to justify the 849: 767: 4049: 4044: 3692: 3672: 3620: 3615: 3491: 3446: 3344: 2989: 1421: 1031: 721: 397: 393: 3139: 438:

opens in 2001 with footage of Chávez as he tours the country. Met with "popular enthusiasm", he speaks at rallies, decrying

3473: 3452:

Schiller, Naomi (October 2009). "Framing the Revolution: Circulation and Meaning of The Revolution Will Not Be Televised".

3388: 1899: 659: 4039: 1631:, the Land Law aimed to increase the country's food production by breaking up and redistributing unused or underused land. 3736: 3677: 1509: 1363: 775: 763: 1473: 779: 276:, capturing footage of protesters and the erupting violence. Later, they filmed many of the political upheavals inside 4004: 3718: 2690:

Miller, John J. (27 December 2004). "Friends of Hugo: Venezuela's Castroite boss has all the usual U.S. supporters".

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was a missed opportunity for his movement. Three years later, Chávez saw another chance; in February 1992, he led an

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Chávez's address on one side and footage of the violence on the other. Chávez subsequently took television stations

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off the air. The film's assertion that VTV was taken over by opposition "plotters" is also disputed; according to

3999: 3587: 1349: 759: 527: 339:, who shared seven presidencies between them. In 1989, during the second term in office for Acción Democrática's 523: 771: 634: 3908: 1309:

The film won several awards in 2003–04. It was also nominated for Best Documentary and Best Irish Film at the

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McKay, Alastair (Winter 2008). "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised, But The Coup Attempt May Be Sexed Up".

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Throughout much of the twentieth century, Venezuela was beset by political, civil and military unrest. After

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Bartley and Ó Briain conceived of the film after Bartley returned from documenting the aftermath of the

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Stoneman speculates that the television broadcasts may have prevented the film from being nominated for the

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that the film was "unapologetically polemical", but "notable foremost as a gripping you-are-there account".

400:, Chávez won 56.2% of the vote, on a promise to "end the corruption of several decades" and institute a new 3935: 3925: 3903: 3809: 3433: 3238: 968: 845: 638:

documentaries series. According to Stoneman, Fraser was "still undecided", having been told by the head of

3649: 3605: 3562: 1387: 532: 268: 3061: 2622: 1212:, said the film presented an enthralling story that "resembles a taut ... political thriller", and 709: 392:

as its "iconic hero" and "reference point"; Bolívar had played a key role in Latin America's successful

2449:"Cineastas venezolanos objetan video 'La Revolución no será transmitida': Desarman una farsa mediática" 1859: 1588: 889: 884: 561: 539:, which subsequently provided funds. In late 2001, BSÉ finally approved a production grant of €63,000. 2386: 1317:

gives an acclaimed filmmaker the chance to screen his or her Top 10 films. In 2007, Iranian filmmaker

712:(VTV). It has since been shown regularly on Venezuelan television; the state-funded community station 3662: 3465: 2943: 2082: 470: 328: 3657: 3525: 3403: 427:

Estanga, but his government collapsed in less than forty-eight hours and Chávez returned to power."

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television, and in the capital it is often broadcast during "contentious political conjunctures".

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The $ 200,000 figure is supported by Stoneman, but box office tracking websites The Numbers and

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Chávez strengthened his support among the poor with a series of social initiatives known as the

327:'s long reign as president ended in 1935, a series of military rulers followed, concluding with 3590: 3117: 2590: 2460: 1208: 978:

The petition's claims were also taken up by the UK's independent telecommunications regulator,

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said the film was "a riveting documentary" that delivered "the suspense of a smaller-scale

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Soon after the film's October 2003 broadcast on BBC Two, Venezuelan engineer and filmmaker

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are the main voices of the opposition. After the pair visit Washington, D.C., the CIA and

8: 3994: 3774: 3457: 3097: 2799:

Bartley, Kim; Ó Briain, Donnacha (May–June 2004). "Who's Right? The Filmmakers Respond".

2448: 1277: 955:, restated many of Gunson's arguments, and the BBC received 4,000 e-mails demanding that 408: 3434:

The Silence and the Scorpion: The Coup Against Chavez and the Making of Modern Venezuela

1628: 754:

screened at several film festivals in 2003, winning numerous awards. Beginning with the

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Hornaday, Ann (12 December 2003). "In Venezuela, A Filmmaking, & Political, Coup".

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In December 1999, independent Irish filmmaker Kim Bartley visited Venezuela as part of

412: 389: 30: 3635: 569: 263:; and the Carmona administration's collapse, which paved the way for Chávez's return. 3827: 3640: 3520: 3487: 3484:

Chavez: The Revolution Will Not be Televised – A Case Study of Politics and the Media

3442: 3195: 3144: 3048: 2985: 1257: 1237: 1218: 1159: 1136:

Chavez: The Revolution Will Not Be Televised – A Case Study of Politics and the Media

577: 487: 371:) in the early 1980s and was planning a "rebellious intervention". He later felt the 277: 240: 3956: 3859: 3163: 3002: 2642: 620:

Zoido completed the scene, the trio discussed whether those aims had been realized.

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that he felt would secure Latin America's true independence from the outside world.

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often broadcasts the film during "contentious political conjunctures", such as the

500: 243: 3759: 2944:"Estrenan 'Radiografía de una mentira': Cuando la ética es fundamental en la vida" 3542: 3531: 3469: 3348: 3321: 3279: 3243: 3190: 3030: 2950: 2692: 2626: 2455: 1654: 1429: 1409: 1291: 1163: 861: 840: 811: 701: 655: 343:, Venezuela was hit by a severe economic crisis. A wave of protests known as the 3226: 551:

Bartley and Ó Briain captured much of their footage outside and inside the

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both say the film earned $ 153,859 (€131,300) from eight theaters over 59 days.

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is an extraordinary piece of electronic history. And a riveting movie." In the

1252: 1120: 1008: 1002: 964: 650:, intended for television broadcast, lasts 52 minutes. The feature-length 3578: 3381:

Halligan, Benjamin (October 2003). "Leeds International Film Festival, 2003".

360: 352: 255: 62: 3988: 3897: 3764: 1485: 1318: 1045: 988: 967:, the official investigation into the circumstances surrounding the death of 608: 424: 260: 66: 1061: 736: 3438: 2595: 1282: 1029:, that "came to conclusions similar to our own". A Venezuelan documentary, 495: 78: 74: 3507: 2645:. The Numbers. Nash Information Services. Retrieved on 22 April 2010. 3842: 3476: 3391: 3179: 3135: 1902: 1536: 1497: 1232: 1213: 864:

were arranging tours to Venezuela that included a screening of the film.

70: 3514: 838:

said the Venezuelan government had 10,000 copies made, and according to

3070: 1740:"Film review; Tumult in Venezuela's Presidential Palace, Seen Up Close" 1167: 792: 744: 568:. Inside, they had written a quote from the Irish socialist playwright 439: 305:

accurate portrayal or a misrepresentation of the events of April 2002.

679: 3115:

Shenk, Frank (1 April 2003). "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised".

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pitching session, securing the interest of German television channel

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Media representation of Hugo Chávez § Coverage of the 2002 coup

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and circulated information to appeal to "a particular audience".

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The Revolutionary Has No Clothes: Hugo Chavez's Bolivarian Farce

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festival on 7 March, its festival appearances included the

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Documentary films about the 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt

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Golden Nymph Award (Best European Current Affairs Documentary)

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his policies or methods. But the filmmakers' biases don't stop

1127: 3547: 3352: 411:, and created a network of grass-roots workers' councils, the 3256:

Jenkins, Mark (26 December 2003). "The Bigger Picture Show".

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premièred on 13 April 2003, on state television channel

682:

on 18 February 2003, as an installment of the channel's

490:'s emergency response team, to document the aftermath of the 336: 3832: 3369: 3342:"RTÉ's Proud Awards History Continues In Competitive Times" 1057: 725: 3184:"Recall Sequel in Venezuela? Hugo Your Way, We'll Go Ours" 3315:"Irish Film Board/Bord Scannán na hÉireann – Awards 2003" 1609:, begins differently but covers the same major incidents. 536: 515: 511: 3838:

Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC)

2369:

Staff (27 November 2006). "Fairness and Privacy Cases".

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engulfed the country and dozens were killed in rioting.

3273:"IFB Backed Projects Receive Over 70 IFTA Nominations" 1601:

This synopsis describes the 74-minute cut of the film,

826:

Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador

3366:"Balseros, Revolution win top honours at IDA Awards" 3305:, Kim Bartley and Donnacha O'Brian (Ierland, 2003)." 1644:(the Academy's rules disqualify broadcast features). 1526: 1325:

for his top ten classics from the history of films.

2767: 2765: 2706: 2704: 2702: 2571: 2569: 2567: 2548: 2546: 1035:, also supported Bartley and Ó Briain's view. 2733:"Visitors Seek a Taste of Revolution in Venezuela" 3282:. Irish Film Board. Retrieved 25 March 2010. 2875: 2873: 2871: 2849: 2847: 2845: 1315:International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam 832:members "accepted donations" for bootleg copies. 743:had its commercial première at the New York City 646:The filmmakers created two versions of the film. 3986: 2762: 2699: 2564: 2543: 1038: 388:. The movement adopted former Venezuelan leader 3014: 2609: 2607: 2605: 2290: 2288: 2039:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 15. 2030:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 13. 2021:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 12. 2000:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 11. 1991:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 10. 1025:s deputy editor—and an Australian documentary, 896: 731: 3420:Bartley, Kim; Ó Briain, Donnacha (2003). 3336: 3334: 2995: 2967: 2965: 2963: 2887: 2885: 2868: 2861: 2859: 2842: 2835: 2833: 2823: 2821: 2718: 2716: 2591:"Chavez film puts staff at risk, says Amnesty" 2490: 2488: 2440: 2438: 2436: 2434: 2424: 2422: 2351: 2349: 2347: 2345: 2343: 2341: 2339: 2329: 2327: 2325: 2323: 2313: 2311: 2309: 2269: 2267: 2265: 2263: 2253: 2251: 2249: 2247: 2245: 2235: 2233: 2214: 2212: 2210: 2208: 2180: 2178: 2176: 2166: 2164: 2162: 2152: 2150: 2148: 2120: 2118: 2099: 2097: 2049: 2047: 2045: 2008: 2006: 1979:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 8. 1963:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 7. 1954:Bartley & Ó Briain (2003), chapter 6. 1941: 1939: 1937: 1935: 1933: 1931: 1929: 1927: 1917: 1915: 1913: 1911: 1677: 1675: 1673: 995: 992:—biased, of course, but highly entertaining." 3563: 2403: 2401: 2399: 1987: 1985: 226: 2602: 2285: 1975: 1973: 1971: 1969: 1780: 1778: 1768: 1766: 1764: 1754: 1752: 1713:"Riveting 'Revolution' shines on big screen" 1355:Best Information and Current Affairs Program 1129:Chavez: The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3833:Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) 3331: 3209: 3207: 3205: 3158: 3156: 3154: 2960: 2935: 2933: 2882: 2856: 2830: 2818: 2713: 2540:. ScreenWest. Retrieved 25 March 2010. 2504: 2502: 2500: 2485: 2431: 2419: 2336: 2320: 2306: 2260: 2242: 2230: 2205: 2173: 2159: 2145: 2115: 2094: 2042: 2003: 1924: 1908: 1670: 1327: 704:was interested at one point. In Venezuela, 367:, had formed a secret revolutionary group ( 3570: 3556: 3054: 3047: 2894: 2809: 2795: 2793: 2791: 2789: 2787: 2785: 2783: 2781: 2779: 2777: 2396: 2033: 2024: 2015: 1994: 1982: 1890: 1888: 1886: 1884: 1882: 1880: 1878: 1876: 1874: 1872: 1853: 1851: 1849: 1847: 1845: 1843: 1841: 1839: 1837: 1835: 1833: 1831: 1829: 1827: 1825: 1823: 1821: 1819: 1642:Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature 828:screened the film in New York City, where 29: 3131: 3129: 3127: 3111: 3109: 3107: 3001:De La Fuente, Anna Marie (15 June 2007). 2585: 2583: 2581: 1966: 1957: 1948: 1817: 1815: 1813: 1811: 1809: 1807: 1805: 1803: 1801: 1799: 1775: 1761: 1749: 3872:Chavismo: The Plague of the 21st Century 3202: 3151: 2930: 2533: 2531: 2529: 2527: 2525: 2523: 2521: 2497: 2365: 2363: 2361: 1731: 1729: 1727: 1451:Los Angeles Wine & Country Festival 818: 735: 546: 351: 2774: 2077: 2075: 2073: 2071: 2069: 2067: 2065: 2063: 2061: 2059: 1869: 1467:Best International Feature Documentary 1415:Best International Feature Documentary 1393:Golden Link Award (Best Co-Production) 1083: 1071:International Federation of Journalists 4015:Documentary films about public opinion 3987: 3744:2010 Venezuelan parliamentary election 3724:2005 Venezuelan parliamentary election 3714:Venezuelan general strike of 2002–2003 3231: 3164:"The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" 3140:"The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" 3124: 3104: 2643:"The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" 2623:"The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" 2578: 2509:"The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" 2387:"Storyville – Chavez: Inside the Coup" 1796: 1704: 1702: 1700: 1698: 1696: 1627:Introduced in November 2001 as one of 1491:Excellence in Television Broadcasting 1462:Marseille Festival of Documentary Film 1427:Best Feature Documentary (shared with 768:Marseille Festival of Documentary Film 16:2003 documentary about Venezuelan coup 4055:Works about the Bolivarian Revolution 3551: 3285: 2974: 2589:Campbell, Duncan (22 November 2003). 2518: 2358: 1724: 1422:International Documentary Association 1107:for five months. Along with producer 1032:Puente Llaguno: Claves de una Masacre 3538:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3527:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3516:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3508:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3422:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3303:The Revolution will not be Televised 3213:Thomson, Desson (12 December 2003). 3064:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3024:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 2056: 1605:. The 52-minute television version, 1603:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 1323:The Revolution will not be Televised 1287:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 1187:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 1182:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 1153: 1105:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 1053:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 1014:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 942:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 929:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 906:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 879:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 872: 803:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 752:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 741:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 652:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 506:The project was at this point named 436:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 394:struggle for independence from Spain 302:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 297:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 265:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 220:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 174:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 24:The Revolution Will Not Be Televised 3678:United Socialist Party of Venezuela 3003:"Venezuelan networks tread lightly" 2942:Linzalata, Ernesto (31 July 2004). 1693: 1510:Seattle International Film Festival 1364:Chicago International Film Festival 776:Chicago International Film Festival 764:Seattle International Film Festival 13: 4060:English-language documentary films 2633:. Retrieved on 22 April 2010. 2447:Lebon, Manuel (16 November 2003). 1898:(Red Herring Arts and Media): 10. 1474:Monaco International Film Festival 780:Monaco International Film Festival 14: 4071: 4010:Documentary films about the media 3892:Hugo Chávez's cult of personality 3688:Constitutional referendum of 2009 3683:Constitutional referendum of 2007 3499: 3237:Sokol, Brett (27 November 2003). 1573:'s historical records of average 1440:Leeds International Film Festival 1096: 917:—Rod Stoneman, former CEO of BSÉ 706:La revolución no será transmitida 377:unsuccessful military coup d'état 228:La revolución no será transmitida 4035:Peabody Award-winning broadcasts 3966: 3965: 3639: 3634: 3397: 3375: 3358: 3308: 3295:"Maziar Bahari over zijn Top 10" 3265: 3250: 3173: 2391:British Broadcasting Corporation 1569:Exchange rates are based on the 1543: 1529: 1311:Irish Film and Television Awards 1176: 900: 592: 3577: 3372:. Retrieved 24 March 2010. 3364:Kay, Jeremy (3 December 2003). 3328:. Retrieved 24 March 2010. 3162:Foundas, Scott (10 July 2003). 3089: 2984:. Encounter Books. p. 91. 2921: 2912: 2903: 2753: 2744: 2725: 2684: 2675: 2666: 2657: 2648: 2636: 2616: 2555: 2476: 2467: 2410: 2393:. Retrieved 30 March 2010. 2380: 2297: 2276: 2221: 2196: 2187: 2136: 2127: 2106: 1647: 1634: 1621: 1612: 1595: 1580: 1350:Banff World Television Festival 760:Banff World Television Festival 654:—which takes its name from the 528:Nederlandse Programma Stichting 3879:El ocaso del socialismo mágico 3454:Mass Communication and Society 2731:Forero, Juan (21 March 2006). 2515:. Retrieved 3 March 2010. 2081:King, Michael (7 March 2003). 1787: 1684: 1563: 772:Three Continents Film Festival 601:—Editor Ángel Hernández Zoido 481: 365:Lieutenant Colonel in the army 295:Europe and Venezuela in 2003, 252:April 2002 coup d'état attempt 1: 3805:Socialism of the 21st century 3693:Presidential election of 2012 3673:Presidential election of 2006 3621:Presidential election of 1998 3215:"A Revolutionary Documentary" 2771:Schiller (2009), pp. 485–486. 2710:Schiller (2009), pp. 492–493. 2681:Schiller (2009), pp. 490–491. 2575:Schiller (2009), pp. 488–489. 2561:Schiller (2009), pp. 487–488. 2552:Schiller (2009), pp. 486–487. 2538:"ScreenWest – Power Pictures" 1522: 1077:The Christian Science Monitor 1039:Timeline and media depictions 670: 476: 308: 250:leading up to and during the 4050:2000s English-language films 4045:2000s Spanish-language films 3936:Venezuela Information Office 3926:The Silence and the Scorpion 3810:Venezuelan communal councils 3486:(London: Wallflower Press). 3239:"Through a Lens Distortedly" 1586:According to Phil Gunson in 1304: 1148: 1134:In 2008, Stoneman published 897:BBC and Ofcom investigations 846:Venezuela Information Office 732:Festivals and theatrical run 494:that had devastated much of 7: 3909:Public image of Hugo Chávez 3428:, Ireland: Power Pictures). 2879:Stoneman (2008), pp. 43–44. 2853:Stoneman (2008), pp. 39–40. 1388:European Broadcasting Union 996:Responsibility for violence 877:In Venezuela, debate about 867: 691:documentary strand, and on 564:, who had fought alongside 533:European Broadcasting Union 430: 280:, the presidential palace. 10: 4076: 3404:63rd Annual Peabody Awards 3355:. Retrieved 25 March 2010. 2801:Columbia Journalism Review 1860:Columbia Journalism Review 1589:Columbia Journalism Review 1197:—Ann Hornaday, writing in 1189:from being riveting drama. 885:Columbia Journalism Review 722:2006 presidential election 695:on 18 November 2003. 665: 662:—is 74 minutes long. 588: 542: 398:1998 presidential election 312: 246:. It focuses on events in 3944: 3851: 3818: 3752: 3719:Recall referendum of 2004 3701: 3648: 3632: 3598: 3585: 3470:10.1080/15205430903237832 3431:Nelson, Brian A. (2009). 3340:Staff (7 December 2007). 3271:Staff (15 October 2003). 1206:Frank Scheck, writing in 927:began a campaign against 628:film in 2001. Fraser was 471:Constitution of Venezuela 208: 200: 190: 182: 158: 135: 124: 110: 102: 92: 84: 58: 50: 40: 35:Theatrical release poster 28: 23: 4040:RTÉ original programming 4005:2003 in Irish television 3668:General election of 2000 2759:Schiller (2009), p. 499. 2750:Schiller (2009), p. 480. 2654:Schiller (2009), p. 490. 2613:Schiller (2009), p. 479. 2482:Schiller (2009), p. 495. 2473:Schiller (2009), p. 496. 2454:5 September 2012 at the 2416:Stoneman (2008), p. 119. 2294:Schiller (2009), p. 485. 2282:Schiller (2009), p. 483. 1690:Schiller (2009), p. 494. 1681:Schiller (2009), p. 488. 710:Venezolana de Televisión 501:Bord Scannán na hÉireann 289:Bord Scannán na hÉireann 4030:Irish documentary films 4025:Irish independent films 3626:Death and state funeral 3464:(4), pp. 478–502. 2971:Stoneman (2008), p. 56. 2927:Stoneman (2008), p. 48. 2918:Stoneman (2008), p. 51. 2909:Stoneman (2008), p. 55. 2891:Stoneman (2008), p. 67. 2865:Stoneman (2008), p. 38. 2839:Stoneman (2008), p. 47. 2827:Stoneman (2008), p. 39. 2722:Stoneman (2008), p. 37. 2672:Stoneman (2008), p. 36. 2663:Stoneman (2008), p. 35. 2494:Stoneman (2008), p. 34. 2428:Stoneman (2008), p. 33. 2355:Stoneman (2008), p. 27. 2333:Stoneman (2008), p. 24. 2317:Stoneman (2008), p. 25. 2303:Stoneman (2008), p. 28. 2273:Stoneman (2008), p. 23. 2257:Stoneman (2008), p. 26. 2239:Stoneman (2008), p. 22. 2227:Stoneman (2008), p. 21. 2218:Stoneman (2008), p. 20. 2202:Stoneman (2008), p. 19. 2193:Stoneman (2008), p. 18. 2184:Stoneman (2008), p. 17. 2170:Stoneman (2008), p. 16. 2156:Stoneman (2008), p. 15. 2142:Stoneman (2008), p. 14. 2124:Stoneman (2008), p. 13. 2103:Stoneman (2008), p. 12. 2053:Stoneman (2008), p. 11. 2012:Stoneman (2008), p. 31. 1945:Stoneman (2008), p. 30. 1921:Stoneman (2008), p. 29. 1629:49 presidential decrees 1607:Chávez: Inside the Coup 1575:interbank lending rates 1503:Television Documentary 1381:Journalist of the Year 697:Chavez: Inside the Coup 676:Chávez: Inside the Coup 648:Chávez: Inside the Coup 578:the presidential palace 562:Daniel Florence O'Leary 524:Raidió Teilifís Éireann 386:Fifth Republic Movement 236:Chávez: Inside the Coup 166:Chavez: Inside the Coup 4000:2003 documentary films 3904:¿Por qué no te callas? 3658:Cabinet of Hugo Chávez 3591:President of Venezuela 3482:Stoneman, Rod (2008). 3278:2 October 2011 at the 3118:The Hollywood Reporter 2900:Nelson (2009), p. 265. 2815:Nelson (2009), p. 337. 2407:Stoneman (2008), p. 2. 2133:Stoneman (2008), p. 4. 2112:Stoneman (2008), p. 1. 1793:Stoneman (2008), p. 8. 1784:Stoneman (2008), p. 7. 1772:Stoneman (2008), p. 6. 1758:Stoneman (2008), p. 5. 1209:The Hollywood Reporter 748: 718:2004 recall referendum 556: 417:Petróleos de Venezuela 357: 254:, which saw President 227: 98:Donnacha Ó Briain 3866:Bolivarian propaganda 3780:Bolivarian Revolution 3599:Early life and career 3320:7 August 2011 at the 3259:Washington City Paper 1298:Washington City Paper 1019:Le Monde Diplomatique 973:2003 invasion of Iraq 819:Informal distribution 808:Amnesty International 789:2003 invasion of Iraq 784:American Cinematheque 739: 582:international airport 553:Palacio de Miraflores 550: 492:1999 Vargas mudslides 402:Bolivarian Revolution 396:in the 1820s. In the 384:political party, the 355: 313:Further information: 285:1999 Vargas mudslides 106:Ángel Hernández Zoido 3709:Coup attempt of 2002 3616:Coup attempt of 1992 3458:Taylor & Francis 3347:27 July 2009 at the 2949:10 July 2011 at the 2088:The Austin Chronicle 1103:Schalk investigated 1084:Military involvement 630:commissioning editor 522:declined to invest. 458:the State Department 329:Marcos Pérez Jiménez 315:History of Venezuela 212:$ 200,000 (€171,000) 3775:Bolivarian missions 3456:(Philadelphia, PA: 3219:The Washington Post 3189:11 May 2008 at the 3182:(4 November 2003). 3138:(31 October 2003). 3098:The Washington Post 1738:(5 November 2003). 1711:(6 February 2004). 1399:Galway Film Fleadh 1278:The Washington Post 1199:The Washington Post 409:Bolivarian Missions 356:Hugo Chávez in 2003 341:Carlos Andrés Pérez 3770:Bolivarian Circles 2980:Clark, AC (2009). 2738:The New York Times 2513:The New York Times 2371:Broadcast Bulletin 1744:The New York Times 1275:Desson Thomson of 1248:The New York Times 1243:media manipulation 1109:Thaelman Urguelles 756:South by Southwest 749: 557: 413:Bolivarian Circles 358: 333:Acción Democrática 325:Juan Vicente Gómez 3980: 3979: 3828:Bank of the South 3800:Plan Bolívar 2000 3663:1999 Constitution 3492:978-1-905674-74-9 3447:978-1-56858-418-8 3196:The Village Voice 3145:Chicago Sun-Times 2990:978-1-59403-259-2 1571:Oanda Corporation 1520: 1519: 1515:Best Documentary 1455:Best Documentary 1403:Best Documentary 1375:ESB Media Awards 1333:Film organization 1258:Seven Days in May 1238:The Village Voice 1219:Chicago Sun-Times 1204: 1203: 1160:review aggregator 1154:Critical response 1027:Anatomy of a Coup 921: 920: 873:Disputed accuracy 830:Bolivarian Circle 747:in November 2003. 605: 604: 488:Concern Worldwide 233:), also known as 216: 215: 88:Donnacha Ó Briain 46:Donnacha Ó Briain 4067: 3969: 3968: 3957:Nicolás Maduro → 3950:← Rafael Caldera 3931:Venezuelanalysis 3886:El pueblo soy yo 3702:Political events 3643: 3638: 3572: 3565: 3558: 3549: 3548: 3511: 3510: 3407: 3401: 3395: 3384:Senses of Cinema 3379: 3373: 3368:. Screen Daily. 3362: 3356: 3338: 3329: 3326:Irish Film Board 3312: 3306: 3293: 3289: 3283: 3269: 3263: 3254: 3248: 3235: 3229: 3211: 3200: 3177: 3171: 3160: 3149: 3133: 3122: 3113: 3102: 3093: 3087: 3086: 3084: 3082: 3058: 3052: 3051: 3046: 3044: 3042: 3018: 3012: 2999: 2993: 2978: 2972: 2969: 2958: 2941: 2937: 2928: 2925: 2919: 2916: 2910: 2907: 2901: 2898: 2892: 2889: 2880: 2877: 2866: 2863: 2854: 2851: 2840: 2837: 2828: 2825: 2816: 2813: 2807: 2797: 2772: 2769: 2760: 2757: 2751: 2748: 2742: 2729: 2723: 2720: 2711: 2708: 2697: 2688: 2682: 2679: 2673: 2670: 2664: 2661: 2655: 2652: 2646: 2640: 2634: 2620: 2614: 2611: 2600: 2587: 2576: 2573: 2562: 2559: 2553: 2550: 2541: 2535: 2516: 2506: 2495: 2492: 2483: 2480: 2474: 2471: 2465: 2446: 2442: 2429: 2426: 2417: 2414: 2408: 2405: 2394: 2384: 2378: 2367: 2356: 2353: 2334: 2331: 2318: 2315: 2304: 2301: 2295: 2292: 2283: 2280: 2274: 2271: 2258: 2255: 2240: 2237: 2228: 2225: 2219: 2216: 2203: 2200: 2194: 2191: 2185: 2182: 2171: 2168: 2157: 2154: 2143: 2140: 2134: 2131: 2125: 2122: 2113: 2110: 2104: 2101: 2092: 2079: 2054: 2051: 2040: 2037: 2031: 2028: 2022: 2019: 2013: 2010: 2001: 1998: 1992: 1989: 1980: 1977: 1964: 1961: 1955: 1952: 1946: 1943: 1922: 1919: 1906: 1896:Product Magazine 1892: 1867: 1855: 1794: 1791: 1785: 1782: 1773: 1770: 1759: 1756: 1747: 1733: 1722: 1718:The Boston Globe 1706: 1691: 1688: 1682: 1679: 1658: 1651: 1645: 1638: 1632: 1625: 1619: 1616: 1610: 1599: 1593: 1584: 1578: 1577:from the period. 1567: 1553: 1551:Venezuela portal 1548: 1547: 1546: 1539: 1534: 1533: 1532: 1379:Best Documentary 1343: 1335: 1328: 1268:The Boston Globe 1177: 1172:weighted average 1117: 1024: 961: 952:The Sunday Times 937:El Gusano de Luz 933:El Gusano de Luz 911: 901: 859: 660:of the same name 613:El juego de Cuba 593: 259:business leader 244:documentary film 230: 151: 149: 33: 21: 20: 4075: 4074: 4070: 4069: 4068: 4066: 4065: 4064: 3985: 3984: 3981: 3976: 3940: 3847: 3814: 3795:Economic policy 3753:Domestic policy 3748: 3697: 3644: 3630: 3611:Military career 3594: 3581: 3576: 3543:Box Office Mojo 3532:Rotten Tomatoes 3506: 3505: 3502: 3497: 3411: 3410: 3402: 3398: 3380: 3376: 3363: 3359: 3349:Wayback Machine 3339: 3332: 3322:Wayback Machine 3313: 3309: 3291: 3290: 3286: 3280:Wayback Machine 3270: 3266: 3255: 3251: 3244:Miami New Times 3236: 3232: 3212: 3203: 3191:Wayback Machine 3178: 3174: 3161: 3152: 3134: 3125: 3114: 3105: 3094: 3090: 3080: 3078: 3060: 3059: 3055: 3040: 3038: 3031:Rotten Tomatoes 3020: 3019: 3015: 3000: 2996: 2979: 2975: 2970: 2961: 2951:Wayback Machine 2939: 2938: 2931: 2926: 2922: 2917: 2913: 2908: 2904: 2899: 2895: 2890: 2883: 2878: 2869: 2864: 2857: 2852: 2843: 2838: 2831: 2826: 2819: 2814: 2810: 2798: 2775: 2770: 2763: 2758: 2754: 2749: 2745: 2730: 2726: 2721: 2714: 2709: 2700: 2693:National Review 2689: 2685: 2680: 2676: 2671: 2667: 2662: 2658: 2653: 2649: 2641: 2637: 2627:Box Office Mojo 2621: 2617: 2612: 2603: 2588: 2579: 2574: 2565: 2560: 2556: 2551: 2544: 2536: 2519: 2507: 2498: 2493: 2486: 2481: 2477: 2472: 2468: 2456:Wayback Machine 2444: 2443: 2432: 2427: 2420: 2415: 2411: 2406: 2397: 2385: 2381: 2368: 2359: 2354: 2337: 2332: 2321: 2316: 2307: 2302: 2298: 2293: 2286: 2281: 2277: 2272: 2261: 2256: 2243: 2238: 2231: 2226: 2222: 2217: 2206: 2201: 2197: 2192: 2188: 2183: 2174: 2169: 2160: 2155: 2146: 2141: 2137: 2132: 2128: 2123: 2116: 2111: 2107: 2102: 2095: 2080: 2057: 2052: 2043: 2038: 2034: 2029: 2025: 2020: 2016: 2011: 2004: 1999: 1995: 1990: 1983: 1978: 1967: 1962: 1958: 1953: 1949: 1944: 1925: 1920: 1909: 1893: 1870: 1856: 1797: 1792: 1788: 1783: 1776: 1771: 1762: 1757: 1750: 1736:Holden, Stephen 1734: 1725: 1707: 1694: 1689: 1685: 1680: 1671: 1661: 1655:Box Office Mojo 1652: 1648: 1639: 1635: 1626: 1622: 1617: 1613: 1600: 1596: 1585: 1581: 1568: 1564: 1549: 1544: 1542: 1535: 1530: 1528: 1525: 1445:Audience Award 1410:Grierson Awards 1380: 1356: 1344: 1339: 1336: 1331: 1307: 1292:Miami New Times 1245:". Writing for 1170:, which uses a 1164:Rotten Tomatoes 1156: 1151: 1132: 1111: 1101: 1086: 1041: 1022: 998: 959: 931:, representing 925:Wolfgang Schalk 909: 899: 875: 870: 862:Global Exchange 857: 841:National Review 821: 812:Grierson Awards 734: 673: 668: 656:Gil Scott-Heron 591: 545: 484: 479: 433: 321: 311: 269:fly-on-the-wall 195: 177: 171: 169: 161: 154: 147: 145: 138: 129:Vitagraph Films 120: 115: 113: 97: 77: 73: 69: 65: 45: 36: 17: 12: 11: 5: 4073: 4063: 4062: 4057: 4052: 4047: 4042: 4037: 4032: 4027: 4022: 4017: 4012: 4007: 4002: 3997: 3978: 3977: 3975: 3974: 3961: 3960: 3953: 3945: 3942: 3941: 3939: 3938: 3933: 3928: 3923: 3918: 3915:¿¡Revolución!? 3911: 3906: 3901: 3894: 3889: 3882: 3875: 3868: 3863: 3860:Aló Presidente 3855: 3853: 3849: 3848: 3846: 3845: 3840: 3835: 3830: 3824: 3822: 3820:Foreign policy 3816: 3815: 3813: 3812: 3807: 3802: 3797: 3792: 3787: 3782: 3777: 3772: 3767: 3762: 3756: 3754: 3750: 3749: 3747: 3746: 3741: 3740: 3739: 3734: 3728:2007 protests 3726: 3721: 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132: 126: 125:Distributed by 122: 121: 119:Power Pictures 118: 116: 111: 108: 107: 104: 100: 99: 94: 93:Cinematography 90: 89: 86: 82: 81: 60: 56: 55: 52: 48: 47: 42: 38: 37: 34: 26: 25: 15: 9: 6: 4: 3: 2: 4072: 4061: 4058: 4056: 4053: 4051: 4048: 4046: 4043: 4041: 4038: 4036: 4033: 4031: 4028: 4026: 4023: 4021: 4018: 4016: 4013: 4011: 4008: 4006: 4003: 4001: 3998: 3996: 3993: 3992: 3990: 3983: 3973: 3972: 3963: 3962: 3959: 3958: 3954: 3952: 3951: 3947: 3946: 3943: 3937: 3934: 3932: 3929: 3927: 3924: 3922: 3919: 3917: 3916: 3912: 3910: 3907: 3905: 3902: 3900: 3899: 3898:Mi amigo Hugo 3895: 3893: 3890: 3888: 3887: 3883: 3881: 3880: 3876: 3874: 3873: 3869: 3867: 3864: 3862: 3861: 3857: 3856: 3854: 3850: 3844: 3841: 3839: 3836: 3834: 3831: 3829: 3826: 3825: 3823: 3821: 3817: 3811: 3808: 3806: 3803: 3801: 3798: 3796: 3793: 3791: 3788: 3786: 3783: 3781: 3778: 3776: 3773: 3771: 3768: 3766: 3765:Bolivarianism 3763: 3761: 3760:Boliburguesía 3758: 3757: 3755: 3751: 3745: 3742: 3738: 3735: 3733: 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The Revolution Will Not Be Televised (film)

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