402:, a supposed golden age in China's antiquity that had scarcely been doubted up to the early twentieth century. Gu questioned the historicity of this myth not only to rectify errors in understanding, but also to destroy the entire philosophy of history that revolved around looking back to this supposed golden age. Gu debunked the spurious past, says Schneider, to redefine “the idea of ‘Chinese’ through a process of reordering the relation of past and present”. Yet he believed China's true past yielded “sources of radical inspiration both for destroying the old traditions and for creating and authorizing new ones.”
417:, whose existence he doubted in any case. Gu, observes Schneider, thought that “if a periodically failing Chinese civilization was revived by infusions of barbarian blood or culture, then how could it be said that the subsequent product was Chinese? How could it be said that it was a continuous, coherent tradition?” Gu thus wanted to destroy at its root “the idea that from time immemorial there was a transcendent unchanging Chinese essence.” For Gu, Chinese history was not merely the history of Confucianism; the content of the Chinese identity was “always in a state of change”.
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According to
Laurence Schneider, the "most persistent theme" in Gu's writings is "the central role of the intellectual in Chinese history, and the centrality of history to the Chinese intellectual". He attributed China's failure to modernize to opportunistic intellectuals who allied with the
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Gu has been viewed as something of an enigma by many scholars. His work has been characterized as scientific and anti-tradition, while at the same time showing pride in
Chinese culture and believing that the Chinese identity would withstand modernization. The German scholar Ursula Richter
343:. However, he soon realized that he had "no personal aptitude for politics, and no ability in promoting great social movements". He developed an interest in history while being a student at
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Gu also sought to provide the basis for a new national history with his theory of
Chinese diversity, as opposed to continuity and homogeneity, the main assumptions of nationalist
366:. He had to labor at the History Department every day until he was freed in 1970. Between 1972 and 1977 he supervised the comprehensive editing and republishing of the
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characterized this discrepancy by labeling Gu "the traditional and yet modern scholar who was true to tradition also in that he 'obeyed yet resisted'".
301:(8 May 1893 – 25 December 1980) was a Chinese folklorist, historian, and sinologist who was best known for his seven-volume work
832:
303:
339:. The country during his early years was wrought with turmoil. During high school, Gu briefly joined a revolutionary group during the
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778:
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467:
Hon, Tze-Ki (1996). "Ethnic and
Cultural Pluralism: Gu Jiegang's Vision of a New China in His Studies of Ancient History".
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Based on the supposition that the modern
Chinese nation must rethink its history in order to survive, to this end Gu used
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The
Autobiography of a Chinese Historian: Being the preface to a Symposium on Ancient Chinese History (Ku shih pien)
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started in 1966, Gu was labeled a
Reactionary Scholarly Authority. He had to wear a dunce cap and was subjected to
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Schneider, Laurence A. (1969). "From
Textual Criticism to Social Criticism: The Historiography of Ku Chieh-kang".
431:. Translated by and with an Introduction by Arthur W. Hummel. Leiden: Brill; reprinted: Taipei: Ch'eng-wen, 1971.
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because he believed, quite correctly, that he was being mocked in Lu Xun's short story "Taming the Floods" (
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aristocracy, rather than pursuing truth. In order to restore China to greatness, Gu, along with his mentor
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747:"Historical Scepticism in the New Culture Era: Gu Jiegang and the 'Debate on Ancient History'"
671:"Can the Chinese Nation Be One? Gu Jiegang, Chinese Muslims, and the Reworking of Culturalism"
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Ku Chieh-kang and China's New
History: Nationalism and the Quest for Alternative Traditions
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and started studying the ethnic minorities in China, Muslims in particular.
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Gu
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Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China
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In 1927, Gu Jiegang threatened to sue his former colleague
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712:"Obituary: Gu Jiegang (1893–1980)"
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518:Jonathan N. Lipman (1 July 2011).
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398:. One example is the myth of the
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544:Hon (1996), pp. 315-316.
437:Relationship with Lu Xun
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745:—— (1994).
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294:, in 1954.
239:Wade–Giles
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40:Gu Jiegang
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331:Biography
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19:In this
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572:JSTOR
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421:Works
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93:Died
64:Born
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201:顾颉刚
187:顧頡剛
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