418:
1000:, a national road following the axis Bukavu – Hombo (at the border with south Kivu) and then the axis Itebero – Walikale. The axis Walikale-Hombo (approximately 40 km) is almost unpracticable; very few trucks take the risk to take this road, but incidents are frequents. The most frequent, and advised, way of transport is motorbike, bikes or walking. It takes more or less 9 hours non-stop motorbike driving to reach Musenge from Walikale. From Hombo to Musenge, the axis used to be controlled by the Mayi-Mayi Kifuafua, and is now controlled by another faction of Mayi Mayi; From Musenge to Walikale via Itebero, the axis is relatively protected by the FARDC.
1577:
978:; the road is very damaged and almost unpracticable during the rainy seasons. The second axis from Kibua to Mpofi has a good road which has been rehabilitated by the NGO AAA. However, attacks on humanitarians have been reported in the surroundings of Mpofi. Finally, the road from Mpofi to Walikale is also in relatively good conditions. Frequent check points of rebels from the FDLR have been reported in the Walikale – Kibua axis (and more precisely, the Mpofi – Kibua axis). The overall trip in good conditions takes 10 to 15 hours but is not recommended to humanitarians, especially for the transportation of material.
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the FDLR against the government of Kabila; his reelection in
November therefore provoked a movement of protest orchestrated by the FDLR, which once again was reflected as a resumption of attacks on the population and the intensification of fighting with the FARDC. According to a member of a local NGO, this resumption could also be related to the fact that the opposition was constituted by members supporting the FDLR and the Mayi-Mayi.
814:
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1013:, the capital of the Orientale Province. It is the longest way of the three (the distance between Goma and Walikale Centre via Kisangani is more or less 1700 km) but it is the safest. From Goma, it is possible to take planes to Kisangani. The itinerary from Goma to Walikale via Kisangani is the best to transport material, as the roads are good enough for trucks. It implies crossing North Kivu, following the axis Goma –
27:
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1112:: roads infrastructures in Walikale are disastrous and worsen the isolation of some communities. The absence of trade routes does not allow some population to have access to local markets, and therefore to sell their products and buy the products they need. Not only does it provoke malnutrition and poor diets in remote regions, but it is also at the origin of food prices raise.
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the local population of each village, and a part of their harvest had to be given, as a sort of tax. In exchange, the FDLR protected them. Furthermore, the members of the FDLR even started to develop economic activities other than mining looting, such as farming, local trade of foodstuff or manufactured products, and even building a hospital or social infrastructures.
703:(previously called the RDC) in the region of Ufamando, in South Kivu. Today they have moved to South Walikale, in Walowa Loanda and Walowe Ubora regions, and control the southern axis of Chambucha to Karete. This position is very strategic as it is right on the trade road linking Bukavu to Walikale. They also control the eastern area of the Chambucha-Karete axis.
1070:: the extension of this national park encroached upon the lands of rural communities which were neither consulted nor indemnified by the government. It consequently provoked resentment of behalf of the population; some of with reconverted into mining exploitation and armed groups' activities, internally displaced people and conflicts over land.
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livelihoods (part of their members literally live in the forest all year long) as well as the discovery that their chiefs (involved in the 1994 genocide) have absolutely no interests in going back to Rwanda (the official and initial aim of the FDLR), where they would probably be judged by the
National of International court of justice.
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certain regularity of food production and trade. In addition, the vulnerability of the population was lower because the FDLR taxing system encouraged the production of foodstuff and the cultivation of land; the farmers and peasants were fewer victims of attacks and could access their camp with lesser fear than today.
1188:
The
November 2011 election was also a factor in explaining the resumption of armed groups’ activities, and in particular of FDLR activities. In fact, the accumulations of the alliance between Kabila and Kagame and of the various military operations led to the development of a real hatred on behalf of
1184:
Therefore, this military operation completely destabilized the relative organization of food production and trade in
Walikale. Instead of regular taxation, armed groups began to steal directly from the populations and to commit exactions in villages and on the fields. Food and rapes became weapons of
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The Mayi-Mayi Simba group was initially created in 1964 during the ‘Lumumbist rebellion’. It used to share communitarians ideals and motivations, but its motivations today are exclusively related to pillage and looting. They are located in the north of
Walikale territory, on the western axis near the
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The consequences on the population of Umoja Wetu were dreadful: civilians became tools of the war, and the instauration of terror, recurrent massacres, and killings that followed Umoja Wetu were exclusively meant to put a pressure on the government. The military operation Kimia II and Amani Leo, led
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Many "volunteers" also joined the FDLR after the Umoja Wetu operation, mostly members of the CNDP and various Mayi-Mayi groups. The FDLR therefore represented at that moment, the most powerful opposition to the FARDC and by extension, to the central government, and therefore reassembled all military
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Colonel Jules appears as a very egocentric person, his personal dream of becoming a
General is at the core of the faction’s ‘policy’. He refuses to collaborate with the governmental army unless he obtains the grade of General. In this perspective, this faction can potentially create an alliance with
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After the
Congolese wars, Walikale territory had known a period of relative calm: surely, armed groups' activities had not ceased, "food lootings" were still frequent, and armed groups benefited from the central state’s ignorance of the region to continue their mining exploitation activities and to
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Foreign immigration during the war: the great lakes conflicts, also known as the first
African World War, prompted the immigration of non Congolese ethnicities, which were later on refuted access to land; some of these ethnic groups joined or created armed groups and compensated access to land with
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The official motivation of the Mayi-Mayi Tseka is the protection of
Walikale against the Tutsi invader. This faction was formed by Tseka, a merchant of ore, by young peasant from Walikale having lost their lands during the war, by some deserters of the FARDC or by formers CNDPs. Their location – on
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dating from 2008, the FDLR had begun to constitute "a state within a state" (Rudahigwa, 2008): customary chiefs admitted at the time that an important part of
Walikale territory was under control of the FDLR, who had imposed its own rules and organization. Regular collections were organized within
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The disruption of customary laws over access to land: these disruptions were mainly provoked by the implementation of the Bakajika law under the Mobutu area, which was based on the nationalization of land and designation of local authorities by the state. The ambiguity around the status of land is
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In 2011, 55% of the population of Walikale has been affected by the consequences on the ongoing crisis in North-Kivu. This ongoing crisis is a security crisis but also tends to become a food crisis. Years of recurrent conflicts in Walikale has increased the vulnerability of the population and has
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Ethnic segregation, which started under the colonial period and was maintained under Mobutu’s dictators: this segregation was political – refusal of giving the Congolese citizenship to some ethnic group – but was also based on refusal to some ethnic groups to access land, which marginalized some
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The context of protracted crisis worsened food insecurity but did not totally originate it; it is essential not to limit the analysis to insecurity itself, but also to consider the root causes of food insecurity, which can vary from one region to another. Unlike some other conflicts, where armed
638:
In the East, their base is located in the forest of Kabale (between Luberick and Ntoto). Ntoto used to be their basis before the first intervention of the FARDC in the region; they have now moved more or less thirty kilometers away from the east of Ntoto, in Ishunga (Mutshéri locality). Only the
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Even though in 2008 the FDLR represented an obstacle to food security in the sense that, through their taxing system and their lack of integration within the local population, the population was deprived from an important part of their harvest, the stability they imposed to the region ensured a
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which is referred to as physical access to land by the local population. The tendency of armed groups to steal their food directly from the local populations had disastrous consequences on food security. Cultivation of fields, sometimes remote from the villages, has become a dangerous activity
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The FDLR have an important impact in Walikale today: from all the armed groups’ presents in the region, they are the most organized, numerous, structured and their knowledge of the territory constitutes their strength. On the other hand, the accumulation of years and years of fighting and wild
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was named Umoja Wetu ("Our Unity" in Swahili). Judging whether this first intervention was efficient or not is irrelevant here, but two months after, in March 2009, the FDLR had grown in power again and started to lead reprisal attacks on the population. In Walikale, the consequences of these
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this faction tends to collaborate partially with the MONUSCO and the governmental army. It has sometimes fought against the FDLR. However Colonel Delphin appears to be exclusively interested by his personal enrichment and would be manipulating the governmental army and the MONUSCO in order to
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the lack of adequate material and infrastructures represent a restrain to food security development as it does not allow agricultural and pastoral development (for instance, total absence of vegetal and animal epidemic surveillance infrastructures or adequate treatments in local communities)
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The FDLR FOCA is, today, divided in three main brigades commanded by ‘Colonel’ Mutima, ‘Colonel’ Sadiki and ‘Colonel’ Omega. Their number has been evaluated between 3000 and 4500 rebels (Mercier 2009) In order to develop their influence and control over the territory, the FDLR tried on a few
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by the FARDC and supported by MONUC (which then became MONUSCO), worsened the insecurity in Walikale: not only were civilians victims of abuses meant to force the FARDC to stop their attacks, but also, entire villages were destroyed by fighting between the FDLR and the FARDC. (GRIP, 2011)
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However, their presence in the DRC was supposed to be temporary, in order to allow them time and protection (the wideness of the territory and its forests offers much more possibility to hide than Rwanda) to build up an army and to organize their potential coup d'État.
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disrupted the basic functioning of the economy and the society; without being considered as a humanitarian emergency yet, the situation in Walikale is too unstable and threatens the life of too many people to be left out of food security programs planning.
785:, control the forests and have forced a significant proportion of the population into urban settlements. These armed groups often inflict robbery and violence on the local people, as well as engage in hunting and poaching of nominally protected species.
634:
In the South, they are currently based in Isangi (next to the river of Lukele, more or less five hours road from Itebero market) as well as Mpenbenema, Luenge (on the South Kivu direction) and Kamale (on the Shabunda direction). (Mercier
690:
It is very hard to evaluate their number, as today they often attack in alliance with the Mayi-Mayi Tseka, or very occasionally with the FDLR. One of the most recent grouped attacks is the one lead in the famous mining site of Bisié.
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has been more and more frequent: Mining activities are more lucrative and more secure than farming. This tendency is a threat to food security as it tends to diminish agrarian and pastoral production in a context of growing food
600:), former FDLR, was, therefore, created by these Hutu rebels in order to dismiss the new Rwandan Government and to resettle a Hutu government. The use of the acronym FOCA (Forces combattantes Abacunguzi) refers to a
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the western axis directed toward Kisangani, on the North of the cities of Mubi and Ndjingala, next to the famous mining area of Bisié – is representative of their concrete motivation, which is mining exploitation.
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groups' activities and insecurity directly provokes food insecurity, in the case of Walikale it appears that structural causes, historical causes of food insecurity and insecurity itself are intrinsically linked.
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The territory is divided into 2 collectivities, Bakano (4238 km) and Wanianga (19,237 km), and comprises 15 "groupements" totalling 90 localities. Walikale is the largest territory in the province of
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and finally Bafwasende – Kisangani. Then from Kisangani to Walikale, until Lubutu, the road follows the N3, and then secondary roads link Lubutu to Walikale Centre. The overall trip can take up to one week.
596:. During the first Congo war in 1996, the Rwandan army started to dismantle the refugee camp that had been created to host the refugees of 1994, in search of ex-FAR (Forces Armées Rwandaises). The ALIR (
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the growing number of IDPs represents a threat to food security as the hosting families and communities are not prepared to host and to feed extra people and sometimes do not have the means to do it.
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through Masisi territory. The only way to reach these sites is by plane from Goma to Walikale Centre, followed by a long trek into the forest by motor bike and on foot (of a minimum of six hours).
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The territory is composed of various terrestrial and fresh water eco-regions. There are transition forests in the northeast and wet tropical forests and farmed land in the southeast and from
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natural resources looting and pillage of the local populations. The case of Hutu immigration right after the Rwandan genocide and of the FDLR is the best example of this form of immigration.
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The FDLR controls the territory of Walikale on wide superficies. Their presence has been detected on a wide axis going from the east of Oninga (border with Lubutu) to Walowa Yungu (Mpito/
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extend their local power. However, almost no conflicts were going on between armed groups, and neither the governmental army nor was the MONUC was interfering with their activities.
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The areas controlled by the FDLR are mainly isolated forests and mining sites, exploited illegally and manually, with their own governance system, out of which we can identify:
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Kifufua, Simba or Tseka, but at the moment no long term alliance has been created and fights between the FDLR and these groups are believed to have occurred on access to mines.
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the FDLR, because of their geographic proximity and previous alliances. They have already led common attacks on populations, such as the well known massacre of 29 October 2009.
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There are three main ways to access Walikale Centre from Goma. The easiest and most secure way is by plane: there are no internal flights between Walikale and Goma, but the
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RUNGE, J. (1996). "Palaeoenvironmental Interpretation of Geomorphological and Pedological Studies in the Rain Forest "Core-Areas" of Eastern Zaire (Central Africa)".
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In addition, some armed groups such as the FDLR had even started to integrate into the social and economic organization of Walikale; as shown in a report by the
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Alinovi; Hemrich;Russo, Addressing Food Insecurity in Fragile States: case studies from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia and Sudan, 2007
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Heading Towards Extinction?: Indigenous Rights in Africa : the Case of the Twa of the Kahuzi-Biega National Park, Democratic Republic of Congo
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UNDP, Exercice participatif d'analyse des conflits et capacités de paix pour la planification du développement dans la province du Nord-Kivu, 2008
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Grasset Julia, Conflicts and Food Security in Walikale: Feasibility and Challenges to Program Implementation, Sciences Po Lille (unpublished) 2012
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the FDLR and other armed groups in Walikale, weapons that led to the current situation of food instability and humanitarian upcoming crisis.
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These different tendencies and orientations are believed to be at the origins of ethnic tensions between Walowa Loanda and Walowa Ubora.
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The Luberick area: one mining square in Bana Mutati of gold and cassiterite, another mining square in Walowa of cassiterite and coltan.
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reprisals led to a food and humanitarian crisis in 2009 and marked the beginning of insecurity and violence in Walikale. (GRIP, 2011)
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The Mayi-Mayi Kifuafua is divided into two groups, and antagonisms have started to arise between the leaders of these factions
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the road crosses Masisi territory and is known for being very dangerous. The first axis when entering Walikale territory is
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International Alert, The complexity of resource governance in a context of State Fragility: The case of Eastern DRC, 2010
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often flies from one city to the other, as well as some commercial planes. The landing strips are also very precarious.
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area) as well as on the western part of the southern axis going from the Kahrizi-Biega Park. They have different basis:
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borders with Lubutu and Maniema (region of Oninga), but their activities have decreased in the last years in Walikale.
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555:. Busurungi has around 7,000 inhabitants, spread between the villages of Bunyamisimbwa, Busurungi, Kahunju, Kamaito,
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Primo Pascal Rudahigwa, La conférence de Goma et la question des FDLR au Nord et au Sud-Kivu, Pole Institute, 2008
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Jean-Claude William, Banyarwanda et banyamulenge: Violences Ethniques et Gestion de l'Identitaire au Kivu, 1997
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to plan a joint intervention in 2009, to stop FDLR activities and to repatriate to Rwanda its combatants: this
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Amnesty International, Mass Rapes in Walikale: Still a need for protection and justice in Eastern Congo, 2010
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especially for women, and some communities have decided to abandon their remote fields for security reasons.
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Initially, the Mayi-Mayi Kifuafua was a self-defense group, aiming at defending their villages against the
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to the western edge of the province. Since 1975, the southwest corner of the Walikale has been a part of
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is continuing its activities in the territory, with May 2009 attacks in Busurungi, in the area bordering
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which represents a shelter for armed groups and represents a real challenge to stabilization programs.
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Mahmood Mamdami, When victims become killers: Colonialism, Nativism and the Genocide in Rwanda, 2001
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parts of the population and prompted the creation of self-defense groups and ethnic tensions.
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Cassiterite, coltan, and gold are being extracted from these mines and brought illegally to
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GRIP, Armes légères dans l'Est du Congo: Enquête sur la perception de l'insécurité, 2011
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Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.
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Julia Grasset, Conflicts and Food security in Walikale, Sciences Po (unpublished) 2012
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Brune Mercier, Ressources Naturelles et Violence en RDC: les cas des FDLR, GRIP, 2009
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up to early 2009, when it was replaced by "accelerated integration" FARDC elements.
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military police of the FDLR under the command of ‘Major Eric’ have stayed in Ntoto.
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The Bakano area: eight mining squares in Isangi, two in Mpango. They both are
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MONUC condemns the attack in Busurungi and despatches a joint protection team
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groups or rebels opposed for various reasons to the Congolese government.
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Timothy Raeymaekers, Conflicts and Food Security in Beni - Lubero, 2010
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992:(if possible, according to the season and to availability of boats) or
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The Ihana area: three mining squares in Ihana of gold and cassiterite.
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S/2009/603 (French version), 23 November 2009, footnote 4 at page 87.
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The other ways of accessing Walikale Center from Goma are by land:
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Zwa, Conflict-sensitive land policy and governance in Africa, 2005
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internally displaced people on hosting communities and families:
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The growing power and activities of the FDLR in North Kivu led
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beneficiate from both looting and subventions from the formers.
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in the valley of the river Lowa, 135 km to the west of
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Another Way to Protect Biodiversity: Community Conservation
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Location in Walikale: approximate zones of FDLR’s actions.
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Another possibility to access Walikale Centre is from
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The FDLR: Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda
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Severine Autesserre, The trouble with the Congo, 2010
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http://www.pole-institute.org/documents/RCN%B021.pdf
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194:. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
1017:, Butembo – Komanda, Komanda – Nia Nia, Nia Nia –
571:, Kitemera, Moka, Ndaboye, Nyamimba, and Tuonane.
16:Territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
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1381:Barume, A.K.; Forest Peoples Programme (2000).
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128:for grammar, style, cohesion, tone, or spelling
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874:The principal peoples of the territory are:
586:Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda
1251:"Congo's Riches, Looted by Renegade Troops"
842:. Unsourced material may be challenged and
55:Learn how and when to remove these messages
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1121:Walikale Territory is represented in the
862:Learn how and when to remove this message
711:‘Colonel’ Delphin Bahenda, Walowa Loanda:
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481:located within the Congolese province of
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309:Learn how and when to remove this message
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410:Walikale on a map of North Kivu Province
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612:occasions to create alliances with the
604:word meaning ‘saviors’ or ‘liberator’.
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1387:. IWGIA document. IWGIA. p. 68.
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1249:Polgreen, Lydia (16 November 2008).
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1005:From Kisangani to Walikale Centre
375:Territory in North Kivu, DR Congo
36:This article has multiple issues.
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718:Colonel Jules, Walowa Ubora:
536:85th Brigade, under Colonel
507:DR Congo National Road No. 3
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594:1994 genocide in Rwanda
559:, Kasebunga, Katokoro,
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695:The Mayi-Mayi Kifuafua
1129:Elysée Munembwe (ARC)
836:improve this section
516:Walikale is rich in
203:"Walikale Territory"
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1588:Cities and communes
1581:North Kivu Province
1220:1996SAfGJ..78...91R
781:or the militias of
729:The Mayi-Mayi Tseka
682:The Mayi-Mayi Simba
756:Rutshuru Territory
475:Walikale Territory
382:Walikale Territory
132:You can assist by
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1394:978-87-90730-31-4
1125:by two deputies:
1123:National Assembly
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1089:mining activities
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768:Maniema Province
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752:Lubero Territory
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880:Nyanga language
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852:November 2011
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530:Kivu conflict
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505:Province) on
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1761:Kanyabayonga
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1398:. Retrieved
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1260:. Retrieved
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976:Kibati Kibua
971:
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907:Territories)
878:Nyanga (see
873:
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849:
834:Please help
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186:Please help
181:verification
178:
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126:copy editing
124:may require
123:
95:
86:You can help
76:
52:
45:
39:
38:Please help
35:
18:
1829: /
1721:Abakuasimbo
1673:Territories
1262:16 November
1092:insecurity.
921:Tembo (see
895:Hunde (see
779:Interahamwe
654:cassiterite
602:kinyarwanda
538:Samy Matumo
518:cassiterite
1695:Nyiragongo
1648:Communes:
1621:Communes:
1602:Communes:
1507:GRIP, 2011
1193:References
1019:Bafwasende
932:Kusu (see
910:Komo (see
885:Kanu (see
804:Population
772:South Kivu
565:Bukumbirwa
553:South Kivu
483:North Kivu
450:North Kivu
346:April 2024
299:April 2024
244:April 2024
214:newspapers
142:April 2024
134:editing it
98:April 2024
41:improve it
1771:Kitchanga
1751:Chambucha
1650:Bulengera
1631:Ruwenzori
1608:Karisimbi
1598:(capital)
1236:0373-6245
1011:Kisangani
986:Kivu Lake
823:does not
745:Nord-Kivu
738:Territory
614:Mayi-Mayi
561:Kitchanga
557:Kamanyola
479:territory
457:Time zone
390:Territory
90:talk page
47:talk page
1844:Category
1781:Rutshuru
1741:Bunagana
1705:Walikale
1700:Rutshuru
1635:Muhekera
1536:Archived
1400:21 March
1117:Politics
905:Rutshuru
526:warlords
491:Walikale
446:Province
440:DR Congo
1817:28°02′E
1814:01°25′S
1746:Busengo
1731:Asangwa
1662:Vulamba
1643:Butembo
1627:Bungulu
1276:MONUC,
1216:Bibcode
1015:Butembo
962:MONUSCO
944:Pygmies
844:removed
829:sources
575:History
569:Kilambo
503:Maniema
428:Country
336:updated
228:scholar
1776:Masisi
1766:Karuba
1690:Masisi
1685:Lubero
1658:Mususa
1654:Kimemi
1391:
1234:
1166:Kabila
1162:Kagame
994:Bukavu
990:Kalehe
901:Masisi
794:Uapaca
664:mines.
660:, and
658:coltan
499:Lubutu
495:Bukavu
437:
230:
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216:
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201:
88:. The
1790:Other
1756:Ikobo
1736:Bisie
1342:Idem.
1135:(UNC)
940:Mbuti
635:2009)
628:Ntoto
584:The ‘
542:Bisie
534:FARDC
477:is a
462:UTC+2
235:JSTOR
221:books
1726:Aloi
1680:Beni
1623:Beni
1616:Beni
1604:Goma
1596:Goma
1402:2023
1389:ISBN
1370:DSRP
1264:2008
1232:ISSN
1164:and
1073:The
1063:The
903:and
892:Kobo
827:any
825:cite
792:and
766:and
758:and
701:CNDP
676:Goma
662:gold
590:Hutu
549:FDLR
547:The
511:Goma
497:and
207:news
1224:doi
838:by
522:tin
466:CAT
190:by
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Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License. Additional terms may apply.
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