269:, which states that faces are more easily recognised by people of the same race (own-race) because those people have more experience (higher expertise) with them compared to faces of different races (other-race). This is similar to the prototype representation theory of the own-accent bias (see above). Another study investigated the effects of teacher-accent on student learning. This research found that students recalled more information from lectures with teachers who had their own-accent and rated the own-accent teachers more favourably compared to those with an other-accent. Additionally, research focussing on the development of the own-accent bias in infants and children has shown that children are not only consistently able to differentiate between foreign- and native-accents but that infants and children prefer individuals who have a native accent compared to a foreign one, leading them to change their behaviour based on a speakers accent (e.g., accepting a toy off a native-accented speaker rather than a foreign-accented speaker).
244:"accent" hence are processed and categorised more easily than those other-accents that are dissimilar. This idea is supported by research showing that the further away a voice is from the average, (which is assumed to be a good representation of the internal prototype of accent) the more distinctive and less attractive it is rated, and the more activity is produced in the
136:. In modern societies people of many different racial backgrounds live together, which provides modern humans with the chance to experience a wide range of races and racial characteristics (e.g., different coloured skin). However, in early societies neighbouring communities could not travel far except by walking, thus they were likely to look similar. As such, a
55:) that are involved in a myriad of daily activities. The development of accent perception occurs in early childhood. Consequently, from a young age accents influence our perception of other people, decisions we make about when and how to interact with others, and, in reciprocal fashion, how other people perceive us.
226:
Additional to the processing of memory and emotion, the amygdalae have important roles as “relevance detectors" for the discernment of relevant social information. Therefore, these brain regions that deal with social relevance and vocal emotion are probable candidates for a neural network concerning
66:
is a theory that describes intergroup behaviour based on group membership. Markers of group membership can be arbitrary, e.g., coloured vests, a flip of a coin, etc., or non-arbitrary, e.g., gender, language, race, etc. Accent is a non-arbitrary marker for group membership that is potentially more
131:
Accents function as markers of social group membership broadcasting information about individuals' in-group/out-group status. However, unlike other seemingly more conspicuous non-arbitrary markers (e.g., race), the accent an individual has is not outwardly obvious to a casual observer unless the
264:
but based on what a person heard rather than saw). The study showed that ear-witnesses were more likely to mistake offenders with a different accent than an own-accent, and that their judgements were less confident in reporting other-accent offenders compared to those with their own-accent. The
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domains. It proposes that there are “prototypes” (i.e., internal representations) stored in the brain, which incoming information from the senses is compared against to facilitate categorisation. Therefore, the own-accent bias is due to the fact that own-accents are similar to the prototype of
43:. Accents can significantly alter the perception of an individual or an entire group, which is an important fact considering that the frequency that people with different accents are encountering one another is increasing, partially due to inexpensive international travel and
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is the inclination toward, and more positive judgement of, individuals with the same accent as yourself compared to those with a different accent. There are two main theories that attempt to explain this bias: affective processing and prototype representation.
132:
individual speaks and is within hearing range of the observer. This raises the question of how such an easily hidden characteristic became a marker of group membership in the first place. One predominant account suggests an answer to this conundrum lies in
103:“The Gileadites captured the fords of the Jordan leading to Ephraim, and whenever a survivor of Ephraim said, “Let me cross over,” the men of Gilead asked him, “Are you an Ephraimite?” If he replied, “No,” they said, “All right, say ‘
67:
salient than most other non-arbitrary markers such as race and visual cues in general. One component of social identity theory states that members of the same group will treat and judge other members of their group (
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Schirmer, A.; Escoffier, N.; Zysset, S.; Koester, D.; Striano, T.; Friederici, A. D. (2008). "When vocal processing gets emotional: On the role of social orientation in relevance detection by the human amygdala".
107:.’” If he said, “Sibboleth,” because he could not pronounce the word correctly, they seized him and killed him at the fords of the Jordan. Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed at that time.”
851:
Mitchell, R. L. C.; Elliott, R.; Barry, M.; Cruttenden, A.; Woodruff, P. W. R. (2003). "The neural response to emotional prosody, as revealed by functional magnetic resonance imaging".
144:(i.e., an honest signal of an individual's group membership), so individuals could easily identify in-group members from the potential threat of out-group members. In comparison, the
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are the distinctive variations in the pronunciation of a language. They can be native or foreign, local or national and can provide information about a person’s geographical
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reaction. Put simply, people like others who have the same accent as themselves for that precise reason; they like it. This theory has developed, and draws support, from
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and when applied to accents is called the own-accent bias. There are many examples of the discrimination of out-groups based on language, e.g., the banning of the
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Tanaka, J. W.; Kiefer, M.; Bukach, C. M. (2004). "A holistic account of the own-race effect in face recognition: evidence from a cross-cultural study".
95:, however, there are also examples of discrimination based on accent. Some of these instances date back many several millennia, for example, in the
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The affective processing approach proposes that the positive-bias exhibited for others who speak with an own-accent is produced by a (potentially
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Dailey, R. M.; Giles, Howard; Jansma, Laura L. (2005). "Language attitudes in an Anglo-Hispanic context: the role of the linguistic landscape".
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British children".
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1045:"Emotional voice areas: Anatomic location, functional properties, and structural connections revealed by combined fMRI/DTI"
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Frühholz, S.; Grandjean, D. (2013). "Amygdala subregions differentially respond and rapidly adapt to threatening voices".
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Michel, C.; Caldara, R.; Rossion, B. (2006). "Same-race faces are perceived more holistically than other-race faces".
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Gill, M. M. (1994). "Accent and stereotypes: Their effect on perceptions of teachers and lecture comprehension".
122:“It is impossible for an Englishman to open his mouth without making some other Englishman hate or despise him”.
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Bruckert, L.; Bestelmeyer, P. E. G.; Latinus, M.; Rouger, J.; Charest, I.; Rousselet, G. A.; Belin, P. (2010).
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Tajfel, H.; Billig, M. G.; Bundy, R. P.; Flament, C. (1971). "Social categorization and intergroup behaviour".
185:(a key component underlying accent) and vocal emotion, which has found activation (predominantly in the right
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Sander, D.; Grafman, J.; Zalla, T. (2003). "The Human
Amygdala: An Evolved System for Relevance Detection".
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in Judges 12:5-6 the following quote depicting the mass-killing of a people based on their accent appears:
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896:""It's not what you say, but how you say it": A reciprocal temporo-frontal network for affective prosody"
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Leitman, D. I.; Wolf, D. H.; Ragland, J. D.; Laukka, P.; Loughead, J.; Valdez, J. N.; Gur, G. C. (2010).
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Girard, F.; Floccia, C.; Goslin, J. (2008). "Perception and awareness of accents in young children".
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Stevenage, S. V.; Clarke, G.; McNeill, A. (2012). "The "other-accent" effect in voice recognition".
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is normal within any given group of language users and involves the categorisation of speakers into
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Ethofer, T.; Bretscher, J.; Gschwind, M.; Kreifelts, B.; Wildgruber, D.; Vuilleumier, P. (2011).
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Billig, M.; Tajfel, H. (1973). "Social categorization and similarity in intergroup behaviour".
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189:) in important brain regions associated with the processing of emotion. These regions include:
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pressure may have existed that favoured social attention to accents, which functioned as an
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Bestelmeyer, P. E. G.; Latinus, M.; Bruckert, L.; Rouger, J.; Crabbe, F.; Belin, P. (2011).
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famously recognised the disparities of accent (even in a native context) when he wrote:
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436:"Can race be erased? Coalitional computation and social categorization"
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members) preferentially compared to those who are not in their group (
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Cosmides, L.; Tooby, J.; Kurzban, R. (2003). "Perceptions of race".
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Kinzler, K. D.; Shutts, K.; DeJesus, J.; Spelke, E. S. (2009).
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804:"Accent trumps race in guiding children's social preferences"
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Why humans cooperate a cultural and evolutionary explanation
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47:. As well as affecting judgments, accents also affect key
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The
Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology Section A
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The
Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology Section A
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International
Phonetic Alphabet chart for English dialects
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Recent research has investigated the effects of accent on
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Bestelmeyer, P. E. G.; Belin, P.; Grosbras, M-H. (2011).
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342:(2nd ed.). Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.
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Whereas some are more recent, for example, in his play
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The social stratification of
English in New York City
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127:Evolutionary underpinnings of the own-accent bias
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148:to socially attend to race was less relevant.
1460:"Vocal attractiveness increases by averaging"
434:Kurzban, R.; Tooby, J.; Cosmides, L. (2001).
309:Anglophone pronunciation of foreign languages
1370:"Right temporal TMS impairs voice detection"
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636:. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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586:. London: Methuen Drama.
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81:public speaking of German
1879:Developmental psychology
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299:Foreign accent syndrome
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211:Inferior frontal gyrus
64:Social identity theory
1436:10.1093/cercor/bhr204
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33:perception of accents
25:socio-economic status
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45:social media
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319:Human voice
237:linguistics
171:unconscious
89:World War I
41:personality
1894:Prejudices
1868:Categories
1214:NeuroImage
1002:NeuroImage
371:: 171–185.
325:References
187:hemisphere
105:Shibboleth
1614:Cognition
1599:144198605
1564:144656866
1529:144037180
1242:207168546
221:Amygdalae
175:emotional
113:Pygmalion
73:out-group
29:ethnicity
1835:Archived
1810:17640881
1714:39722665
1642:15696105
1634:15110726
1494:20129047
1445:21828348
1404:22032183
1355:26749876
1347:11017161
1234:18299209
1198:24811267
1190:14640318
1155:21376073
1147:22938844
1112:15040548
1071:21625012
1022:22721630
984:21940454
932:20204074
906:: 4–19.
881:18338901
873:12757912
838:21603154
749:11343153
741:12691766
515:21038973
480:11742078
273:See also
198:superior
91:and the
69:in-group
21:locality
1801:1941511
1778:Bibcode
1472:Bibcode
1382:Bibcode
1312:9159259
1304:1866456
1030:6589393
975:6623280
923:2831710
829:3096936
679:2648982
448:Bibcode
206:Insulae
183:prosody
87:during
83:in the
51:(e.g.,
17:Accents
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31:. The
1710:S2CID
1638:S2CID
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1525:S2CID
1351:S2CID
1308:S2CID
1238:S2CID
1194:S2CID
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1026:S2CID
877:S2CID
745:S2CID
471:65039
196:and
97:Bible
1806:PMID
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737:PMID
675:PMID
638:ISBN
613:ISBN
588:ISBN
511:PMID
476:PMID
415:ISBN
344:ISBN
239:and
156:The
27:and
1796:PMC
1786:doi
1774:104
1745:hdl
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1390:doi
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1265:doi
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1178:doi
1135:doi
1098:doi
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1010:doi
970:PMC
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824:PMC
816:doi
780:hdl
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729:doi
702:doi
667:doi
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499:100
466:PMC
456:doi
392:doi
194:Mid
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