386:. Jay believed that the unification of Britain was closely analogous to a potential union of the United States. In both cases, he saw it logical that countries with similar interests and geographic qualities should be combined under a single nation. Likewise, he believed that a system of confederacies would be reminiscent of the conflict-ridden nature of the British kingdoms prior to unification. Jay also likened confederacies between the states to smaller nations that aligned with the Roman Empire in ancient times, noting that Rome's desire for expansion caused it to routinely conquer what were once its allies. This was part of a broader distaste by the framers of imperial government in which they feared that it would undermine republicanism, as it did in ancient Rome.
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359:. Jay considered this distinction a likely cause for conflict between the states, supposing that their economic interests would put them in opposition to one another. He also believed that these separate interests would incentivize the confederacies to seek different European allies, further putting them in conflict with one another. Jay contended that once this foreign influence was established, it would be difficult to reverse. Jay's arguments in Federalist No. 5 contrast with those he made in
382:, Federalist No. 5 described historical events that relate to its arguments. Jay likened confederacies between the states to the division of England, Scotland, and Wales in Great Britain and to the Iberian kingdoms that combined to form Spain. To make this comparison, he quoted a letter written by Queen Anne in support of British unification that closely resembled the style and argumentation of
363:, in which he proposed that the American people are naturally unified under common interests and ideals. Federalist No. 5 maintained that these factors alone were not sufficient, and that the preservation of an American nationality was contingent on a central government to maintain union between the states.
213:, causing conflict between the regions. He contrasted this scenario with political union, arguing that union would prevent conflict by combining the states' strength and aligning their national interests. Jay's ideas in Federalist No. 5 were reflected at several points in American history, including the
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described
Federalist No. 5 as having the "most striking" example of this phenomenon. Jay speculated that one of the confederacies would likely become more powerful over time, further increasing diplomatic tension between them and provoking action to hinder one another. In Jay's view, this likelihood
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between the confederacies would be unlikely. He compares this scenario to the kingdoms of Great
Britain and the kingdoms of Spain prior to unification, in which they operated as independent nations with separate national interests. He then argues that these separate interests would lead to different
335:
In
Federalist No. 5, Jay warned against the formation of regional confederacies instead of a national union. He argued that under such a system, the states would work against one another and fall under the influence of foreign countries. Jay insisted that union was necessary because a national
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government would be stronger than any individual confederacy, as all states would cooperate toward the same interests, and the national government would have access to greater resources and military strength than any confederacy would individually.
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and how it would affect foreign relations. Jay argued that these confederacies would be cautious or envious regarding one another while maintaining stronger relations with foreign nations. He theorized that the
422:. The sectionalism described by Jay between the Northern and Southern United States was a predominant factor in American politics over the following generations. It nearly caused military conflict during the
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preempted any hope that regional confederacies would work as allies for an extended time. He feared that confederacies bordering one another would grow distrustful and exist in constant fear of war.
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and to alliances with different
European nations. Finally, he warns that such alliances would allow foreign nations to gain influence, likening it to conquests of the
245:, arguing that such confederacies would come into conflict with one another. He suggests that one region would become stronger than the others—considering the
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Taylor, Quentin P. (2020). "John Jay, The
Federalist, and the Constitution". In Rakove, Jack N.; Sheehan, Colleen A. (eds.).
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Jay contends that conflict between
American confederacies would prevent them from rivaling other nations, and he argues that
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Federalist No. 5 was one of several instances in which envy and jealousy are described as threats to the
American people in
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have altered the circumstances under which Jay and Queen Anne advocated unification for economic and military protection.
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Elster, Jon (2020). "The
Political Psychology of Publius". In Rakove, Jack N.; Sheehan, Colleen A. (eds.).
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to be the most likely—and that other regions would respond with envy and seek to hinder its growth.
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on
November 13. Federalist No. 5 was the last of four essays by Jay supporting
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The Same
Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
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The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
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that saw the Northern and Southern United States in direct military conflict.
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The Classical Foundations of the American Constitution: Prevailing Wisdom
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An Argument Open to All: Reading "The Federalist" in the 21st Century
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and persuading New York to ratify it. It was first published in
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were published. It is the last of four essays by Jay advocating
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Federalist No. 5 addresses the idea of states forming regional
627:
One United People: The Federalist Papers and the National Idea
237:. He compares the kingdoms of Great Britain to hypothetical
464:"Federalist Papers: Primary Documents in American History"
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753:. Cambridge University Press. pp. 164–165.
692:The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers
665:The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers
630:. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 74–75.
591:Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution
197:as a means of protection from foreign nations.
339:American politics of the time were defined by
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695:. Cambridge University Press. p. 216.
281:, Federalist No. 5 was published under the
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560:. Yale University Press. pp. 23–26.
265:carried out through pretended alliances.
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594:. Oxford University Press. p. 154.
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777:The Federalist Papers: A Reader's Guide
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185:on November 10, 1787, under the
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668:. Cambridge University Press.
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209:would grow stronger than the
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327:, adapting her argument for
179:. It was first published in
18:Federalist Paper by John Jay
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716:Blackmun, Harry A. (1988).
418:and with Mexico during the
343:, particularly between the
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588:White, Morton (1989).
440:economic globalization
432:Tariff of Abominations
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247:Northern United States
231:Parliament of Scotland
211:Southern United States
207:Northern United States
846:The Federalist Papers
396:The Federalist Papers
384:The Federalist Papers
380:The Federalist Papers
370:. Political theorist
368:The Federalist Papers
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191:The Federalist Papers
176:The Federalist Papers
1414:1787 in American law
774:Scott, Kyle (2013).
520:Scott, Kyle (2013).
424:nullification crisis
420:Mexican–American War
297:The Daily Advertiser
493:Library of Congress
468:Library of Congress
329:British unification
301:The New-York Packet
299:on November 12 and
235:British unification
51:Original title
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277:. Like all of the
215:American Civil War
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780:. A&C Black.
760:978-1-139-46914-2
702:978-1-107-13639-7
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637:978-0-8131-6137-2
601:978-0-19-536307-4
567:978-0-300-21645-5
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450:References
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325:Queen Anne
227:Queen Anne
165:, titled "
155:Wikisource
430:the 1828
390:Aftermath
283:pseudonym
187:pseudonym
114:Newspaper
81:Publisher
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880:(papers)
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349:Southern
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61:Language
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