Trotula - Knowledge

175:, which had been completed in the late 11th century. Arabic medicine was more speculative and philosophical, drawing from the principles of Galen. Galen, as opposed to other notable physicians, believed that menstruation was a necessary and healthy purgation. Galen asserted that women are colder than men and unable to “cook” their nutrients; thus they must eliminate excess substance through menstruation. Indeed, the author presents a positive view of the role of menstruation in women's health and fertility: "Menstrual blood is special because it carries in it a living being. It works like a tree. Before bearing fruit, a tree must first bear flowers. Menstrual blood is like the flower: it must emerge before the fruit—the baby—can be born." Another condition that the author addresses at length is suffocation of the womb; this results from, among other causes, an excess of female semen (another Galenic idea). Seemingly conflicted between two different theoretical positions—one that suggested it was possible for the womb to "wander" within the body, and another which saw such movement as anatomically impossible—the author seems to admit the possibility that the womb rises to the respiratory organs. Other issues discussed at length are treatment for and the proper regimen for a newly born child. There are discussions on topics covering menstrual disorders and uterine prolapse, chapters on childbirth and pregnancy, in addition to many others. All the named authorities cited in the 221:

Green has noted, the author likely hoped for a wide audience, for he observed that women beyond the Alps would not have access to the spas that Italian women did and therefore included instructions for an alternative steam bath. The author does not claim that the preparations he describes are his own inventions. One therapy that he claims to have personally witnessed, was created by a Sicilian woman, and he added another remedy on the same topic (mouth odor) which he himself endorses. Otherwise, the rest of the text seems to gather together remedies learned from empirical practitioners: he explicitly describes ways that he has incorporated "the rules of women whom I found to be practical in practicing the art of cosmetics." But while women may have been his sources, they were not his immediate audience: he presented his highly structured work for the benefit of other male practitioners eager, like himself, to profit from their knowledge of making women beautiful.

22: 560:("Epitome of the Histories of Salerno"). Here is the origin of the belief that "Trotula" held a chair at the university of Salerno: "There flourished in the fatherland, teaching at the university and lecturing from their professorial chairs, Abella, Mercuriadis, Rebecca, Trotta (whom some people call "Trotula"), all of whom ought to be celebrated with marvelous encomia (as Tiraqueau has noted), as well as Sentia Guarna (as Fortunatus Fidelis has said)." Green has suggested that this fiction (Salerno had no university in the 12th century, so there were no professorial chairs for men or women) may have been due to the fact that three years earlier, " 293: 34: 202:

reader how to prepare and apply medical preparations. There is a lack of cohesion, but there are sections related to gynecological, andrological, pediatric, cosmetic, and general medical conditions. Beyond a pronounced focus on treatment for fertility, there is a range of pragmatic instructions like how to “restore” virginity, as well as treatments for concerns such as difficulties with bladder control and cracked lips caused by too much kissing. In a work stressing female medical issues, remedies for men's disorders are included as well.

511:("The Book of Trotula on the Treatment of the Diseases of Women before, during, and after Birth")--Kraut and Schottus proudly emphasized "Trotula's" feminine identity. Schottus praised her as "a woman by no means of the common sort, but rather one of great experience and erudition." In his "cleaning up" of the text, Kraut had suppressed all obvious hints that this was a medieval text rather than an ancient one. When the text was next printed, in 1547 (all subsequent printings of the 504:. Kraut, seeing the disorder in the texts, but not recognizing that it was really the work of three separate authors, rearranged the entire work into 61 themed chapters. He also took the liberty of altering the text here and there. As Green has noted, "The irony of Kraut's attempt to endow 'Trotula' with a single, orderly, fully rationalized text was that, in the process, he was to obscure for the next 400 years the distinctive contributions of the historic woman Trota." 581:.) And so the stage was set for debates about "Trotula" in the 19th and 20th centuries. For those who wanted a representative of Salernitan excellence and/or female achievement, "she" could be reclaimed from the humanists' erasure. For skeptics (and there were many grounds for skepticism), it was easy to find cause for doubt that there was really any female medical authority behind this chaotic text. This was the state of affairs in the 1970s, when 548:(Aadrian DeJonghe, 1511–75), a Dutch physician who believed that textual corruptions accounted for many false attributions of ancient texts. As Green has noted, however, even though the erasure of "Trotula" was more an act of humanist editorial zeal than blatant misogyny, the fact that there were now no female authors left in the emerging canon of writers on gynecology and obstetrics was never noted. 1298:(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), chap. 5, esp. pp. 212-14 and 223; Kristian Bosselmann-Cyran, (ed.), ‘Secreta mulierum’ mit Glosse in der deutschen Bearbeitung von Johann Hartlieb, Würzburger medizinhistorische Forschungen, 36 (Pattensen/Hannover: Horst Wellm, 1985); "Ein weiterer Textzeuge von Johann Hartliebs 629:

been generated by 19th- and early 20th-century scholarship. For example, the epithet "de Ruggiero" attached to her name was sheer invention. Likewise, claims about her date of birth or death, or who "her" husband or sons were had no foundation. (3) Most importantly, Benton announced his discovery of the

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was a function of the complicated textual tradition and the broad proliferation of the texts in the Middle Ages. That it is taking even longer for popular understandings of Trota and "Trotula" to catch up with this scholarship, has raised the question whether celebrations of Women's History ought not

404:

is the most well-known image of "Trotula" (see image above). A few 13th-century references to "Trotula," however, cite her only as an authority on cosmetics. The belief that "Trotula" was the ultimate authority on the topic of women's medicine even caused works authored by others to be attributed to

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texts circulated for several centuries as independent texts. Each is found in several different versions, likely due to the interventions of later editors or scribes. Already by the late 12th century, however, one or more anonymous editors recognized the inherent relatedness of the three independent

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in the earliest known version (where it was still circulating independently), but that the text shows clear parallels to passages in other works associated with Trota and suggests strongly an intimate access to the female patient's body that, given the cultural restrictions of the time, would have

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and the text(s) found in medieval manuscripts, Benton was the first to prove how extensive the Renaissance editor's emendations had been. This was not one text, and there was no "one" author. Rather, it was three different texts. (2) Benton dismantled several of the myths about "Trotula" that had

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was published not because it was still of immediate clinical use to learned physicians (it had been superseded in that role by a variety of other texts in the 15th century), but because it had been newly "discovered" as a witness to empirical medicine by a Strasbourg publisher, Johannes Schottus.

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Six times in the original version of the text, the author credits specific practices to Muslim women, whose cosmetic practices are known to have been imitated by Christian women on Sicily. And the text overall presents an image of an international market of spices and aromatics regularly traded in

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when it circulated as an independent text. However, it has been argued that it is perhaps better to refer to Trota as the "authority" who stands behind this text than its actual author. The author does not provide theories related to gynecological conditions or their causes, but simply informs the

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texts were finding new audiences. Almost assuredly they were, but not necessarily women. Only seven of the nearly two dozen medieval translations are explicitly addressed to female audiences, and even some of those translations were co-opted by male readers. The first documented female owner of a

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ensemble. These versions differ sometimes in wording, but more obviously by the addition, deletion, or rearrangement of certain material. The so-called "standardized ensemble" reflects the most mature stage of the text, and it seemed especially attractive in university settings. A survey of known

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ensemble) in which the author refers to himself with a masculine pronoun and explains his ambition to earn "a delightful multitude of friends" by assembling this body of learning on care of the hair (including bodily hair), face, lips, teeth, mouth, and (in the original version) the genitalia. As

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have been named after "Trotula," all mistakenly perpetuating fictions about "her" derived from popularizing works like that of Chicago. Likewise, medical writers, in trying to indicate the history of women in their field, or the history of certain gynecological conditions, keep recycling outworn

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in 1985) presents a conflation of alleged biographical details that are no longer accepted by scholars. Chicago's celebration of "Trotula" no doubt led to the proliferation of modern websites that mention her, many of which repeat without correction the discarded misunderstandings noted above. A

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texts would have had no reason to doubt the attribution they found in the manuscripts, and so "Trotula" (assuming they understood the word as a personal name instead of a title) was accepted as an authority on women's medicine. The physician Petrus Hispanus (mid-13th century), for example, cited

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Alongside "her" role as a medical authority, "Trotula" came to serve a new function starting in the 13th century: that of a mouthpiece for misogynous views on the nature of women. In part, this was connected to a general trend to acquire information about the "secrets of women", that is, the

1276:

Monica H. Green, “A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called Trotula Texts. Part II: The Vernacular Texts and Latin Re-Writings,” Scriptorium 51 (1997), 80-104, at p. 103; and Montserrat Cabré i Pairet, ‘From a Master to a Laywoman: A Feminine Manual of Self-Help’,

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was treated as if it were an ancient text. As Green notes, "'Trotula', therefore, in contrast to Hildegard, survived the scrutiny of Renaissance humanists because she was able to escape her medieval associations. But it was this very success that would eventually 'unwoman' her. When the

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that could be used by students and scholars of the history of medicine and medieval women. However, Benton's own discoveries had rendered irrelevant any further reliance on the Renaissance edition, so Green undertook a complete survey of all the extant Latin manuscripts of the

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received a doctorate in philosophy at Padua, the first formal Ph.D. ever awarded to a woman. Mazza, concerned to document the glorious history of his patria, Salerno, may have been attempting to show that Padua could not claim priority in having produced female professors."

710:, as important medical figures in 12th-century Europe, did flag the importance of how historical remembrances of these women were created. That it took close to twenty years for Benton and Green to extract the historic woman Trota from the composite text of the 283:

in all its forms showed it not simply in the hands of learned physicians throughout western and central Europe, but also in the hands of monks in England, Germany, and Switzerland; surgeons in Italy and Catalonia; and even certain kings of France and England.

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enjoyed a pan-European circulation. These works reached their peak popularity in Latin around the turn of the 14th century. The many medieval vernacular translations carried the texts' popularity into the 15th century and, in Germany and England, the 16th.

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into a collection of gynecological texts. Wolf emended the author's name from "Trotula" to Eros, a freed male slave of the Roman empress Julia: "The book of women’s matters of Eros, physician freedman of Julia, whom some have absurdly named ‘Trotula’"

1393:

Monica H. Green, “In Search of an ‘Authentic’ Women’s Medicine: The Strange Fates of Trota of Salerno and Hildegard of Bingen,” Dynamis: Acta Hispanica ad Medicinae Scientiarumque Historiam Illustrandam 19 (1999), 25-54; available on-line at

1379:

1348:

101:: an informal community of masters and pupils who, over the course of the 12th century, developed more or less formal methods of instruction and investigation; there is no evidence of any physical or legal entity before the 13th century. 441:

attributed to "Trotula" a special authority both because of what she "felt in herself, since she was a woman", and because "all women revealed their inner thoughts more readily to her than to any man and told her their natures."

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was an ancient text, but he also dismissed the idea that "Trotula" could have been the text's author (working with Kraut's edition, he, too, thought it was a single text) since she was cited internally. (This is the story of

396:(d. 1260), commissioned a copy headed "Incipit liber Trotule sanatricis Salernitane de curis mulierum" ("Here begins the book of Trotula, the Salernitan female healer, on treatments for women"). Two copies of the Latin 607:

From 1544 up through the 1970s, all claims about an alleged author "Trotula," pro or con, were based on Georg Kraut's Renaissance printed text. But that was a fiction, in that it had erased all last signs that the

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ensemble circulated throughout Europe, reaching its greatest popularity in the 14th century. More than 130 copies exist today of the Latin texts, and over 60 copies of the many medieval vernacular translations.

1899: 1182:(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). See also Elizabeth Dearnley, “‘Women of oure tunge cunne bettir reede and vnderstonde this langage’: Women and Vernacular Translation in Later Medieval England,” in 446:

is echoing this attitude when he includes "Trotula's" name in his "Book of Wicked Wives," a collection of anti-matrimonial and misogynous tracts owned by the Wife of Bath's fifth husband, Jankyn, as told in

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The Brooklyn Museum itself has never updated its information on "Trotula," retaining, for example, the erroneous claim that she died in 1097 and that she was a "professor" at the medical school of Salerno.

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texts are considered the "most popular assembly of materials on women's medicine from the late twelfth through the fifteenth centuries." The nearly 200 extant manuscripts (Latin and vernacular) of the

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If "Trotula" as a female author had no use to humanist physicians, that was not necessarily true of other intellectuals. In 1681, the Italian historian Antonio Mazza resurrected "Trotula" in his

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understandings of "Trotula" (or even inventing new misunderstandings). Nevertheless, Chicago's elevation of both "Trotula" and the real Trota's contemporary, the religious and medical writer

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seems to capture both the empiricism of local southern Italian culture and the rich material culture made available as the Norman kings of southern Italy embraced Islamic culture on Sicily.

1550:, ed. Danielle Jacquart and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, Edizione Nazionale ‘La Scuola medica Salernitana’, 1 (Florence: SISMEL/Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007), 183-233; and Monica H. Green, 702: 1229:

The other image is an historiated initial that opens the copy of the intermediate ensemble in Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut. 73, cod. 37, 13th-century (Italy), ff. 2r-41r:

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The trend toward using vernacular languages for medical writing began in the 12th century, and grew increasingly in the later Middle Ages. The many vernacular translations of the

1615: 1267:, ed. M. Teresa Tavormina, Medieval & Renaissance Texts and Studies, 292, 2 vols. (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2006), vol. 2, pp. 455-568. 1958:

Lat113: Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 1304 (3rd ms of 5 in codex), ff. 38r-45v, 47r-48v, 46r-v, 51r-v, 49r-50v (s. xiii, Italy): standardized ensemble:

1124:, Medieval Women: Texts and Contexts, 4 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001); Jojanneke Hulsker, ‘Liber Trotula’: Laatmiddeleeuwse vrouwengeneeskunde in de volkstaal, available online at 1870:

ensemble appeared in 2001, many libraries have been making high-quality digital images available of their medieval manuscripts. The following is a list of manuscripts of the

1900:

http://www.internetculturale.it/jmms/iccuviewer/iccu.jsp?id=oai%3Ateca.bmlonline.it%3A21%3AXXXX%3APlutei%3AIT%253AFI0100_Plutei_73.37&mode=all&teca=Laurenziana+-+FI

1904:

Lat48: London, Wellcome Library, MS 517, Miscellanea Alchemica XII (formerly Phillipps 2946), ff. 129v–134r (s. xv ex., probably Flanders): proto-ensemble (extracts),

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represent only a small portion of the original number that circulated around Europe from the late 12th century to the end of the 15th century. Certain versions of the

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texts. That study was important for three major reasons. (1) Although some previous scholars had noted discrepancies between the printed Renaissance editions of the

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Lat87: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS lat. 7056, ff. 77rb-86va; 97rb-100ra (s. xiii med., England or N. France): transitional ensemble (Group B);

1099:, ed. C. Leyser and L. Smith (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2011), pp. 205-212; Monica H. Green, “Making Motherhood in Medieval England: The Evidence from Medicine,” in 392:"domina Trotula" (Lady Trotula) multiple times in his section on women's gynecological and obstetrical conditions. The Amiens chancellor, poet, and physician, 270:

Salernitan texts on women's medicine and cosmetics, and so brought them together into a single ensemble. In all, when she surveyed the entire extant corpus of

1917:

Lat50: London, Wellcome Library, MS 548, Miscellanea Medica XXII, ff. 140r-145v (s. xv med., Germany or Flanders): standardized ensemble (selections),

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who was associated with one of the three texts. However, "Trotula" came to be understood as a real person in the Middle Ages and because the so-called

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the Islamic world. Frankincense, cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, and galangal are all used repeatedly. More than the other two texts that would make up the

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texts has been discovered in a 15th-century medical miscellany, held by the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence. This fragmentary translation of the

1910:

Lat49: London, Wellcome Library, MS 544, Miscellanea Medica XVIII, pp. 65a-72b, 63a-64b, 75a-84a (s. xiv in., France): intermediate ensemble,

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is here collated by the copyist (probably a surgeon making a copy for his own use) with a Latin version of the text, highlighting the differences.

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Illustration of a woman taking a therapeutic bath and of a medicinal tampon in a 15th-century copy of the Middle Dutch translation of the Trotula (

519:(" All Ancient Latin Physicians Who Described and Collected the Types and Remedies of Various Diseases"). From then until the 18th century, the 1892:

Lat16: Cambridge, Trinity College, MS R.14.30 (903), ff. 187r-204v (new foliation, 74r-91v) (s. xiii ex., France): proto-ensemble (incomplete),

216:("On Women's Cosmetics") is a treatise that teaches how to conserve and improve women's beauty. It opens with a preface (later omitted from the 1911: 528:

was reprinted in eight further editions between 1550 and 1572, it was not because it was the work of a woman but because it was the work of an

1979:

Fren1a: Cambridge, Trinity College, MS O.1.20 (1044), ff. 21rb-23rb (s. xiii, England): Les secres de femmes, ed. in Hunt 2011 (cited above),

1590: 400:

ensemble include imaginative portrayals of the author; the pen-and-ink wash image found in an early 14th-century manuscript now held by the

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ensemble, p. 65 (detail): pen and wash drawing meant to depict "Trotula", clothed in red and green with a white headdress, holding an orb.

2091: 1650:

ed. Lola Badia, Lluís Cifuentes, Sadurní Martí, Josep Pujol (Montserrat: Publicacions de L’Abadia de Montserrat, 2016), pp. 77–102.

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William Crossgrove, "The Vernacularization of Science, Medicine, and Technology in Late Medieval Europe: Broadening Our Perspectives,"

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Kraut (and his publisher, Schottus) retained the attribution of the text(s) to "Trotula." In fact, in applying a singular new title--

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texts first appeared in print in 1544, quite late in the trend toward printing, which for medical texts had begun in the 1470s. The

2106: 93:

was widely reputed as "the most important center for the introduction of Arabic medicine into Western Europe". In referring to the

1440:

Monica H. Green, "In Search of an 'Authentic' Women’s Medicine: The Strange Fates of Trota of Salerno and Hildegard of Bingen,”

1423:

Monica H. Green, “In Search of an ‘Authentic’ Women’s Medicine: The Strange Fates of Trota of Salerno and Hildegard of Bingen,”

2116: 156: 1837: 1815: 1265:

Sex, Aging, and Death in a Medieval Medical Compendium: Trinity College Cambridge MS R.14.52, Its Texts, Language, and Scribe

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transitional ensemble, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 7056, mid-13th century, ff. 84v-85r, opening of the

1935: 1233:. Both manuscripts are described in Monica H. Green, “A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called 1829:, A cura di Monica H. Green. Traduzione italiana di Valentina Brancone, Edizione Nazionale La Scuola Medica Salernitana, 4 1122:

The Knowing of Woman’s Kind in Childing: A Middle English Version of Material Derived from the ‘Trotula’ and Other Sources

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is a name referring to a group of three texts on women's medicine that were composed in the southern Italian port town of

696:, which features a place setting for "Trotula." The depiction here (based on publications prior to Benton's discovery of 2096: 2022:

Ital2a: London, Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, MS 532, Miscellanea Medica II, ff. 64r-70v (ca. 1465):

613: 1616:"More process, more complicated product? Monica Green on Twitter, digital (dis)information, and Women's History Month" 2111: 1755: 517:

Medici antiqui omnes qui latinis litteris diversorum morborum genera & remedia persecuti sunt, undique conquisiti

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London, Wellcome Library, MS 544 (Miscellanea medica XVIII), early 14th century (France), a copy of the intermediate

1169:, Lluís Cifuentes, Sadurní Martí, Josep Pujol (Montserrat: Publicacions de L’Abadia de Montserrat, 2016), pp. 77-102 312:, made somewhere in southern France in the late 12th century. The next translations, in the 13th century, were into 1306:-Bearbeitung: Der Mailänder Kodex AE.IX.34 aus der Privatbibliothek des Arztes und Literaten Albrecht von Haller," 1986:

Fren2IIa: Kassel, Murhardsche Bibliothek der Stadt und Landesbibliothek, 4° MS med. 1, ff. 16v-20v (ca. 1430-75),

21: 1898:

Lat24: Firenze , Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut. 73, cod. 37, ff. 2r-41r (s. xiii, Italy): intermediate ensemble,

433:, he not only elevated "Trotula's" status to that of a queen, but also paired the text with the pseudo-Albertan 364:

is Dorothea Susanna von der Pfalz, Duchess of Saxony-Weimar (1544–92), who had made for her own use a copy of

2023: 1918: 1912:

http://wellcomelibrary.org/player/b19745588#?asi=0&ai=86&z=0.1815%2C0.5167%2C0.2003%2C0.1258&r=0

1905: 1893: 1658:: Ricerche su testi medievali di medicina salernitana (trans. Valeria Gibertoni & Pina Boggi Cavallo)". 1577: 2101: 2081: 1997: 1980: 1503:

50 (1996), 137-175; Monica H. Green, “A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called

2043:

51 (1997), 80-104; Monica H. Green, “A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called

1482:

John F. Benton, "Trotula, Women’s Problems, and the Professionalization of Medicine in the Middle Ages,"

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51 (1997), 80-104; Monica H. Green, “A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called

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John F. Benton, "Trotula, Women's Problems, and the Professionalization of Medicine in the Middle Ages,"

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to oral traditions, providing practical instructions. These works vary in both organization and content.

1473:(Turin, 1979), an Italian translation based on the 1547 Aldine (Venice) edition of Kraut's altered text. 640:

After Benton's death in 1988, Monica H. Green picked up the task of publishing a new translation of the

633:("Practical Medicine According to Trota") in a manuscript now in Madrid, which established the historic 657:

treatises were male-authored. Specifically, while Green agrees with Benton that male authorship of the

448: 1987: 1992:

Fren3a: Cambridge, Trinity College, MS O.1.20 (1044), ff. 216r–235v, s. xiii (England), ed. in Hunt,

991:, p. xi. See also Monica H. Green, “Medieval Gynecological Texts: A Handlist,” in Monica H. Green, 77:, from Spain to Poland, and Sicily to Ireland, "Trotula" has historic importance in "her" own right. 1563: 1469:. The same phenomenon occurred in Italy: P. Cavallo Boggi (ed.), M. Nubie and A. Tocco (transs.), 1101:

Motherhood, Religion, and Society in Medieval Europe, 400-1400: Essays Presented to Henrietta Leyser

1097:

Motherhood, Religion, and Society in Medieval Europe, 400-1400: Essays Presented to Henrietta Leyser

417:. Similarly, a 14th-century Catalan author entitled his work primarily focused on women's cosmetics 1445: 1428: 1395: 1381: 1350: 1095:, 2 vols. (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1994-1997), 2:76-115; Tony Hunt, “Obstacles to Motherhood,” in 816:

26 (1996), 119-203. See also Gerrit Bos, “Ibn al-Jazzār on Women’s Diseases and Their Treatment,”

932:

26 (1996), 119-203, at p. 140. The text of the original preface can be found in Monica H. Green,

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published a study surveying previous thinking on the question of "Trotula's" association with the

168: 1070:(Leiden: Brill, 1998); and Carmen Caballero Navas, “Algunos “secretos de mujeres” revelados: El 143: 2076: 1851: 561: 1923:

Lat81: Oxford, Pembroke College, MS 21, ff. 176r-189r (s. xiii ex., England): proto-ensemble (

1721:

Green, Monica H. (1997). "A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called

1696:

Green, Monica H. (1996). "A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called

313: 297: 1178:

Monica H. Green, "In a Language Women Understand: The Gender of the Vernacular," chap. 4 of

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include more recognition of the processes by which that record is discovered and assembled.

535:"Trotula" was "unwomaned" in 1566 by Hans Caspar Wolf, who was the first to incorporate the 2066: 1959: 1230: 582: 452: 393: 292: 1878:, the index number is given from either Green's 1996 handlist of Latin manuscripts of the 33: 8: 2071: 707: 501: 466: 2009:

Ir1b: Dublin, Trinity College, MS 1436 (E.4.1), pp. 101–107 and 359b-360b (s. xv):

1282: 1136:, ed. L. van Gemert, et al. (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010), pp. 138-43; 2086: 1808:

Making Women's Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology

1795: 1767: 1552: